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India). He actually called at the boardinghouse, and left his card, M. Wahingham Hely, attachi! & FEmbassade de S. M. Britaunupte, for General Baynes and his lady. To what balls wonld Mrs. Baynes like to go? to the Tuileries? to the Embassy? to the Faubourg St. Germain? to the Faubourg St. Honore? I could name many more persons of distinction who were fascinated by pretty Miss Charlotte. Her mother felt more and more ashamed of the shabby fly, in which our young lady was conveyed to and from her parties—of the shabby fly, and of that shabby cavalier who was in waiting sometimes to put Miss Charlotte into her carriage. Charlotte's mother's ears were only too acute when disparaging remarks were made about that cavalier. What? engaged to that queer red-bearded fellow, with the ragged shirt-collars, who trod upon every body in the polka? A newspaper writer, was he? The son of that doctor who ran away after cheating every body? What a very odd thing of General Baynes to think of engaging his daughter to such a person!

So Mr. Firmin was not asked to many distinguished houses, where his Charlotte was made weleome; where there was dancing in the saloon, very mild negus and cakes in the salle-a-manger, and cards in the lady's bedroom. And ho did not care to be asked; and he made himself very arrogant and disagreeable when ho was asked; and he would upset tea-trays, and burst out into roars of laughter at all times, and swagger about the drawingroom as if he was a man of importance—he indeed— giving himself such airs, because his grandfather's brother was an earl! And what had the earl done for him, pray? And what right had he to burst out laughing when Miss Crackley sang a little out of tune? What could General Baynes mean by selecting such a husband for that nice, modest young girl?

The old general sitting in the best bed-room, placidly playing at whist with the other British fogies, does not hear these remarks, perhaps; but little Mrs. Baynes, with her eager eyes and ears, sees and knows every thing. Many people have told her that Philip is a bad match for his daughter. She has heard him contradict calmly quite wealthy people. Mr. Hobday, who has a house in Carlton Terrace, London, and goes to the first houses in Paris, Philip has contradicted him point-blank, until Mr. Hobday turned quite red, and Mrs. Hobday didn't know where to look. Mr. Peplow, a clergyman and a baronet's eldest son, who will be one day the Rev. Sir Charles Peplow of Peplow Manor, was praising Tomlinson's poems, and offered to read out at Mr. Badger's—and he reads very finely, though a little perhaps through his nose —and when ho was going to begin, Mr. Firmin said, " My dear Peplow, for Heaven's sake don't give us any of that rot. I would as soon hear one of your own prize poems." Rot, indeed! What an expression! Of course Mr. Peplow was very much aunoyed. And this from a mere newspaper writer. Never heard of such

rudeness! Mrs. Tuffin said she took her line at once after seeing this Mr. Firmin. "He may be an earl's grand-nephew, for what I care. He may have been at college, he has not learned good manuers there. Ho may be clever, I don't profess to be a judge. But ho is most overbearing, clumsy, and disagreeable. I shall not ask him to my Tnesdays; and Emma, if he asks you to dance, I beg you will do no such thing I" A bull, you understand, in a meadow, or on a prairie with a herd of buffaloes, is a noble animal; but a bull in a china-shop is out of place; and even so was Philip among j the crockery of those little simple tea-parties, where his mane, and hoofs, and roar caused endless disturbance.

These remarks concerning the accepted sonin-law Mrs. Baynes heard, and, at proper moments, repeated. She ruled Baynes; but was very cautious, and secretly afraid of him. . Once or twice she had gone too far in her dealings with the quiet old man, and he had revolted, put her down, and never forgiven her. Beyond a certain point she dared not provoke her husband. She would say, "Well, Baynes, marriage is a lottery: and I am afraid our poor Charlotte has not pulled a prize:" on which the general would reply, '' No more have others, my dear!" and so drop the subject for the time being. On another occasion it would be, "You heard how rude Philip Firmin was to Mr. Hobday?" And the general would answer, "I was at cards, my dear." Again she might say, "Mrs. TufBn says she will not have Philip Firmin to her Tuesdays, my dear:" and the general's rejoinder would be, "Begad, so much the better for him I" "Ah," she groans, "he's always offending some one!" "I don't think he seems to please you much, Eliza!" responds the general: and she answers, '' No, he don't, and that I confess; and I don't like to think, Baynes, of my sweet child given up to certain poverty, and such a man!" At which the general with some of his garrison phrases would break out with a "Hang it, Eliza, do you suppose I think it is a very good match?" and turn to the wall, and, I hope, to sleep.

As for poor little Charlotte, her mother is not afraid of little Charlotte: and when the two are alone the poor child knows she is to be made wretched by her mother's assaults upon Philip. Was there ever any thing so bad as his behavior, to burst out laughing when Miss Crackley was singing? Was he called upon to contradict Sir Charles Peplow in that abrupt way, and as good as tell him he was a fool? It was very wrong certainly, and poor Charlotte thinks, with a blush perhaps, how she was just at the point of admiring Sir Charles Peplow's reading very much, and had been prepared to think Tomlinson's poems delightful, until Philip ordered her to adopt a contemptuous opinion of the poet. And did you see how he was dressed? a button wanting on his waistcoat, and a hole in his boot?

"Mamma," cries Charlotte, turning very red. "He might have been better dressed—if—if—"

"That is, you would like your own father to be in prison, your mother to beg her bread, your sisters to go in rags, and your brothers to starve, Charlotte, in order that we should pay Philip Firmin back the money of which his father robbed him! Yes. That's your meaning. You needn't explain yourself. I can understand quite well, thank you. Good-night. I hope you'll sleep well. / sha'n't, after this conversation. Good-night, Charlotte!" Ah, me! O course of true love, didst thou ever run smooth? As we peep into that boarding-house—whereof I have already described the mistress as wakeful with racking care regarding tho morrow, wherein lie the Miss Bolderos, who must naturally be very uncomfortable, being on sufferance and as it were in pain, as they lie on their beds—what sorrows do we not pereeive brooding over the night-caps? There is poor Charlotte, who has said her prayer for her Philip; and as she lays her young eyes on the pillow, they wet it with their tears. Why does her mother forever and forever speak agaiust him? Why is her father so cold when Philip's name is mentioned? Could Charlotte ever think of any but him?

Oh, never, never! And so the wet eyes are veiled at last, and close in doubt and fear and care. And in the next room to Charlotte's a little yellow old woman lies stark awake; and in the bed by her side an old gentleman can't close his eyes for thinking—my poor girl is promised to a beggar. All the fine hopes which we had of his getting a legacy from that lord are over. Poor child, poor child, what will become of her?

Now, Two Sticks, let us fly over the river Seine to Mr. Philip Firmin's quarters; to Philip's house, who has not got a penny; to Philip's bed, who has made himself so rude and disagreeable at that tea-party. He has no idea that he has offended any body. He has gone home perfectly well pleased. He has kicked off the tattered boot. He has found a little fire lingering in his stove by which he has smoked the-pipe of thought. Ere he has jumped into his bed he has knelt a moment beside it; and with all his heart—oh! with all his heart and soul—has committed the dearest one to Heaven's loving protection! And now he sleeps like a child.

fthintjjhI nf Current (Bnrate.


OUR Record closes on the 8th of October. Up to this time nothing of special importance has taken place between the two great armies lying almost within view of each other near Washington. Early in September the Confederates advanced their outposts toward the Potomac, finally occupying Muuson's Hill, within sight of the National Capitol. Toward the close of the month this position was abandoned, and the army fell back toward Fairfax Court House, the main body occupying nearly the samo position as before the battle of Bull Run. Skirmishes between advance-guards and recounoitering parties have taken placo at different points along the line of the Potomac, but noue of these have led to any important result. In a reconnoissance toward Fall's Chureh, on the night of the 29th of September, two bodies of our troops, mistaking each other for the enemy, opened fire, by which 10 were killed, and about 20 wounded. The number and condition of the troops in the two main armies is carefully concealed. The most reliable estimates, which are merely conjectural, represent each at about 150,000 men. It is clear that the condition and efficiency of the National army is greatly improved since General M'Clellan has been placed in command. Of the condition of the Confederates the accounts are unreliable: somo represent them as in the highest state of efficiency; while according to others they are suffering severely from sickness and privation.

In Western Virginia a series of engagements has taken place, the results of which have been in favor of the National forees. On tho 11th of September General Rosecraus attacked tho Confederate troops, commanded by General John R. Floyd, Secretary of War under Mr. Buchanan, at Carnifex Ferry, driving him from his position. He crossed the Gaulev River, destroying the bridge behind him, and thus escaped pursuit. Our loss was 20 killed and 100

wounded. Among the killed was Colonel Lowe, of the Ohio Twelfth, a sketch of whose life will be found iu another part of this Magazine.—From the 12th to the loth a series of skirmishes took place about Cheat Mountain, between the Confederates, under General Lee, and our troops, under General Reynolds, the general result of which was that the enemy were repulsed and fell back. Among the killed were John A. Washington, late proprietor of Mount Vernon.—A reconnoissance made on the 3d of October agaiust the position of the Confederates at Greeubrier resulted in a sharp action, in which, though no decisive result was attained, the Confederate loss greatly exceeded our own, which is stated at 10 killed and 20 wounded. We give our own losses as put down in the official reports; those of the Confederates can only be estimated, their official reports not being accessible.

The most important events of the month have occurred in Kentucky and Missouri.

In Kentucky a strong effort has been made by the Executive of the State to keep it in a neutral position, with the design of acting as a mediator. But at the State election, held early in August, Mr. Garrow, the Union candidate for State Treasurer, received 83,000 votes, while but 16,000 were cast for two Secession candidates, shewing a Union majority of 67,000. Iu each branch of the Legislature the majority in favor of the L^nion was about three to one. Forees had, in the mean time, under various names, been organized on both sides, and large bodies of the Confederates were gathered in Tennessee, ready to pass into Kentucky. It was clear that, in case absoluto neutrality could not be maintained, the sympathy of the State Government was in favor of the Confederates, while that of the people, as manifested in the election, was with the Union. On the 19th of August Governor Magoffin sent Commissioners to the President of the United States, bearing a letter stating that the people of Kentucky wished to take no part in the pending war, and urging the immediate withdrawal of the United States forees, organizing and encamped within the State. President Lincoln replied that these forees were composed whollv of Kentuckiaus; that he did not believe that it was the wish of the people of the State that they should be withdrawn. Ho therefore declined to comply with the request of the Governor. The reply of the President closes with a regret that he can not find in the letter of Governor Magoffin any intimation that he desires the preservation of the Federal Union.—The Legislature of Kentucky assembled at Frankfort on the 2d of September. By a vote of 77 to 20, in the House, the United States flag was ordered to be displayed over the Capitol. This vote was an index to the sentiment of the Legislature. From the outset there was a conflict between the Governor and the Legislature. Governor Magoffin, in his Message, asserts the right of the State to maintain a neutral position ; Kentucky had not sympathized, he said, with either party, while both had violated her neutrality. The State sheuld raise all the military foree that was needed.—On the 4th of September, almost simultaneously with the meeting of the Legislature, the Confederate forees from Tennessee, commanded by General Leonidas Polk, formerly Bishop, advanced into Kentucky, and took possession of Columbus. On the 9th General Polk dispatched a message to Governor Magoffin, justifying this measure on the ground that he had been assured that the Federal troops were about to take possession of the place, which would seriously endanger West Tennessee. His action had been submitted to the President of tho Confederate States, and had been approved on the ground of military necessity. But he would withdraw his troops from Kentucky, provided that the Federal forees should also be withdrawn at the same time. The Legislature then passed a scries of .resolutious declaring that the neutrality of the State had been "grossly infringed by the so-called Confederate forees;" that the Governor be requested to call out the military foree to repel invasion; that the United States be invoked to aid the State; that General Anderson, the defender of Fort Sumter, be requested to enter at onco upon the discharge of his duties in this military district; and that the people of Kentucky be called upon to aid in "repelling and driving out the wanton violators of our peace and neutrality, the lawless invaders of our soil." These resolutious having been vetoed by the Governor, were passed over his veto. He was also directed to issue a proclamation ordering the Confederate troops to evacuate Kentucky; a resolution ordering the National forees also to leave the State was negatived. Governor Magoffin thereupon issued a proclamation in the following terms: "The Government of the Confederate States, the State of Tennessee, and all others concerned, are hereby informed that Kentucky expects the Confederate or Tennessee troops to be withdrawn from her soil unconditionally." Meanwhile Confederate troops were poured into the State in large numbers. On the west, Generals Polk and Pillow concentrated large forees at Columbus; on the east, General Zollicoffer took possession of Cumberland, near the Virginia line, announcing to the Governor of Kentucky that the safety of Tennessee demanded the occupation of that place, and that he should retain possession of it until the Union forees were withdrawn and the Union camps broken up. General Buckner, formerly commander of the State Guard, with a large body of forees in the Confeder

ate interest, appeared in tho northwestern part of the State, and pushed forward a party as far as Muldraugh's Hill, about 45 miles from Louisville. They fell back from this position to Bowling Green, an important strategic position at the junction of the two railways which enter Tennessee, from which place he issued a proclamation, dated September 18, stating that he had come at the head of a foree " to aid the Government of Kentucky in carrying out the strict neutrality desired by the people." A large portion of the Southern part of the State now appears to be in full possession of the Confederate forees. Meanwhile the Union men are active. The Legislature have passed bills calling out the military foree of the State, and raising a war loan of $2,000,000. Arrests of a number of prominent men have been made; among these are James B. Clay, a son of Heury Clay, and Ex-Governor Morehcad, the latter having been sent to Fort Lafayette. A bill passed the Senate, requesting Senators Breckiuridge and Powell to resign. Mr. Breckiuridge is said to have joined the Confederates in Virginia. The health of General Anderson unfitting him for active service, the military district under his command has been assigned to General Sherman. Every thing indicates that Kentucky will soon be the scene of active military operatious.

In Missouri the battle of Springfield, and the retreat of the Union forees to liolla—about 125 miles, iustead of 50, as stated in our last Record—left the southwestern part of the State open to the Confederate forees under Price and H'Cullough. General Price advanced northward upon Lexington, where a body of National troops under Colonel Mulligan were intrenched. The attack commenced on the 12th of September, and continued until the 22d, when, finding himself surrounded by greatly superior forees, and cut off from water, Colonel Mulligan surrendered. His forees numbered about 3500 men. Our loss in killed and wounded is stated at about 130, while that of the enemy is reported to have been much greater. General Price, hewever, in his official report, says, "Our entire loss in this series of engagements amounts to 25 killed and 72 wounded. The enemy's loss was much greater. The visible fruits of this almost bloodless victory are great. About 3500 prisoners, among whom are Colonels Mulligan, Marshall, Peabody, and 120 other commissioned officers, five pieces of artillery, and two mortars; over 83,000 stand of infantry arms, a large number of sabres, about 750 horses, many sets of cavalry equipments, wagous, teams, ammunition, more than $100,000 worth of commissary stores, and a large amount of other property, have fallen into our hands. In addition to this I obtained the restoration of the Great Seal of the State, and the Public Records, which had been stolen from their proper custodian, and about $900,000 in money, of which the bank at this place had been robbed, and which I have caused to be returned to it." At the latest intelligence, General Price is said to have evacuated Lexington, and General Fremont, with the entire force under bis command, to be advancing in that direction with the purpose of offering battle.

President Lincoln has addressed a letter to General Fremont in relation to his proclamation enfranchising the slaves of the iusurgents. He says: "Assured that you, upon the ground, could better jndge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30 I pereeived no general objection to it; the particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its non-conformity to the act of Congress, passed the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects, and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer just received expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed as to conform with and not to transcend the provisions on the same subject contained in the act of Congress entitled 'An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, and that said act be published at

length with this order." The Secretary of State

has issued a cireular explaining and defining the confiscating act of Congress. He says: "No property is confiscated or subject to forfeiture except such as is in transit, or provided for transit to or from insurrectionary States, or used for the promotion of the insurrection. Real estate, bonds, promissory notes, moneys on deposit, and the like, are therefore not subject to seizure or confiscation in the absence of evidence of such unlawful acts. All officers, while vigilant in the prevention of the conveyance of property to or from the insurrectionary States, or the use of it for insurrectionary purposes, are expected to be careful in avoiding uunecessary vexation and cost by seizures not warranted by law."

Naval preparations on a large scale are pushed forward with great vigor, with the presumed object of making a formidable expedition to some prominent point on the Southern coast.—Several valuable prizes have been taken by our blockading squadron. —On the 13th of September the Southern privateer Judith, lying at Pensacola opposite Fort Pickens, was cut out by a boat expedition from the United States steamer Colorado, and burned at the wharf. —The steamer Bermuda, which appears to have been purehased in England and loaded with arms and munitions by the Confederate Commissioners, succeeded in ruuning the blockade at Savaunah. It is said that she is to be fitted out as a privateer.—On the 1st of October the steam transport Fauny, dispatched from Fort Mouroe to Chickamacomico Inlet, with stores and supplies, and having on board twenty-five soldiers of the Twenty-fifth Indiana Regiment, was cut out by three Confederate steamers. The crew escaped to the shore in boats; but the soldiers were taken prisoners, and the vessel and cargo were captured. The Emperor of Russia has addressed a

letter to his Minister at Washington, which has been communicated to our Government. He says that for eighty years the Union has exhibited to the world a prosperity without example in the aunals of history; and it would be deplorable if the compact which has made the strength of the country should now be broken up. United, the different interests of the country perfect themselves; isolated, they are paralyzed. The struggle, he says, can not be indefinitely prolonged, nor lead to the total destruction of either party; sooner or later there must bo some settlement; and he trusts that it may bo reached before a useless effusion of blood and squandering of strength shall have brought about the ruin of the commereial and political power of the country. Russia and the United States, he adds, placed at the extremities of two worlds, and both in the ascending period of their development, have a natural community of interests and sympathies, of which they have already given proofs to each other. Without touch

ing upon the questions which divide the United States, the Emperor gives assurance that in any event the American nation may count upon his cordial sympathy during the important crisis through which it is now passing.

The Legislature of Maryland was to have assembled on the 17th of September, at Frederick. A large majority of the members were known to be in favor of Secession, and the passage of an ordinance to that effect was anticipated. The meeting of the Legislature was prevented by the Baltimore police, who arrested the clerks of the Houses and a large number of the members; these were detained for twenty-four hours. Meanwhile the Union members met in caucus, and resolved not to meet in Assembly. There being no quorum left, most of the other members, who had been released on taking the oath of allegiance, left the place, and no formal opening of the Legislature was attempted. EUROPE.

A combined English, French, and Spanish naval expedition is to be fitted out against Mexico. By the terms of the treaty entered into between these Powers, their combined naval forees will occupy the principal Mexican ports on the Gulf, and will sequestrate the revenue accruing from customs, retaining one half to be applied to the payment of Mexican indebtedness, and making over the other half to the Mexican Government. Absolute war is not contemplated; but in case any opposition is attempted, an effectual blockade will be established. M.

Rouher, the French Minister of Agriculture and Commeree, has issued a cireular clearly defining the position of his Government on the subject of blockade. He says that the right can not be denied to one belligerent, recognized as such, to injure the other by all direct and legitimate means, such as "seizing upon its possessions, besieging its cities, or blockading its ports. The exereise of the right of blockade involves the natural consequence of interdicting access to the blockaded places by other Powers. It is incontestable that the latter are sufferers by this interruption of their habitual commereial relations; but they are not justificd in making complaint, for they are only indirectly compromised thereby The effectiveness of a blockade

is now admitted to be the essential condition of its validity. From the moment that there ore upon the spot to which a belligerent means to interdict access sufficient forees to prevent approach without exposure to certain danger, the neutral is constrained, whatever injury he may experience, to respect the blockade. If he violate it, he exposes himself to be

treated as an enemy It is an error to suppose that

a blockade exists only when notice of it has been given diplomatically, and that it is not binding upon neutral ships which have left their country previously to this notification. A blockade is binding the moment it is effectively established; the material result of a material fact, it does not require to be otherwise constituted That neutrals ignore the facts

imports but little. If one of their vessels presents itself for the purpose of entering a blockaded port, the belligerent has the right to signify its prohibition. It is undoubtedly the general usage for a Government to inform others of the measures of a blockade to which it has recourse. But this notice, which is not an absolute rule, has no value of itself. ... .An agreement has now been made to the effect that the neutral shall only be considered duly warned of the existence of a blockade, when the warning is given on the spot."

tMnt's Cnble.

OUR FARMERS.—In thesc dark and stormy times, when so many fair hopes have been rudely dashed, and so many great fortunes are utterly wrecked, wo turn for relief to the solid ground, and look with wistful eyes to the men who live upon their own land and win a constant livelihood, however frugal or homely, from their own farms. Never, perhaps, in the history of our country, has there been so wide and severe a shock to our mereantile prosperity, and so good an occasion for reviewing seriously our ways of living, especially in our cities and large towns, and of asking whether we may not take as well as give some wholesome lessons in the conduct of life by a little more intimacy with our farmers. We propose now to treat of them in our usual colloquial and practical way; and at this season, when the harvests are gathered in and the light of the harvest-moon shines on so many rural fairs and merry-makings, we may be allowed to join for a while the robust and cheerful company, and be sure of being forgiven a little grave moralizing, if we only leave the dust and stareh of the city behind us, and chat with the farmers as one of them, and try to look with a knowing eye upon their potatoes, and grain, and fruits, and cattle. Wo propose to speak especially of the farmer himself, and to consider his character and pursuits from our point of view. It is vain to try to cheat him by pretending to know more about his business than he knows himself, or to enlighten him upon soils, manures, seedlings, and breeds. It is better to leave him to guess how much we know about his affairs, and to win his favorable opinion by being inclined to appreciate him and his position fairly. We are disposed to be very good-natured in dealing with a party to whom we are indebted for the very bread that we put into our mouths; and we shall pay the debt all the more by throwing in, now and then, a bit of wholesome advice, that may show that man does not live by bread alone.

And let us begin by considering the farmer especially in his work, or as a workman. A workman he certainly is, and no man can be accused with less justice of being an idle cumberer of tho ground than he. Yet it requires some little thought to state accurately what his work is; for farming seems at first to include all kinds of work, and to be more marked by its being a union of all trades, than by having a distinct specialty of its own. The farmer is certainly, in some respects, a mechanie, manufacturer, and merehant, and sometimes he is not a little of a lawyer, doctor, and minister. He is a mechanie, because he uses tools and is constantly contriving ingenious expedients to apply means to ends. So, too, he is a manufacturer, and his farm is tho great factory in which he makes tho raw material, the earth and the seed, tho rain and the sunshine, into roots, and grain, and fruits. He is a merehant, moreover, for ho generally buys and sells largely on his own account, and sometimes his expenses and sales mount to very high figures and give him a conspicuous name in the market. He must be physician enough to prescribe for infirm soils, trees, and cattle, if not for his own children; lawyer he readily becomes, so far as is necessary to verify titles or fulfill the duties of justice of peace; and in cases without number, where the sound of the Sabbath bell is not heard, the log-house or the grove is

his temple, and as in old, patriarehal times, the father is the priest, and declares the word to his own household and his neighbors.

Yet, various as is the farmer's work, and closely as it may trench upon other callings, it has a decided specialty of its own; and this depends so directly upon a positive law of nature as to distinguish his from that of others. He is by eminence a grower, and the law of vegetative growth is the power which he in the main uses. It is not enough to say that he works upon the soil, for so does the miner or the brick-maker. He works upon it solely with an eye to its yielding crops, and when he raises cattle and sheep he does this mainly by providing them with pasture, as the name for this business, grazing, denotes. The manufacturer may also busy himself with the workings of organic nature; but his processes are chemical not vital, and he aims to produce new combinations of atoms, as in making salts or acids, or to transform commodities into more available shapes, as in carding or weaving. The merehant deals in all commodities; but as merehant he does not grow them, and this work belongs exclusively to the farmer. To make our distinction more philosophical, we may say that there are three aspects in which nature is known to us—the mechanical, the chemical, and the organic—relating severally to things viewed in the mass, or in atoms, or in the life. Now while the mechanic deals with things in the mass and gives them new shapes, and tho chemist deals with atoms and gives them new combinations, the farmer deals with things as having life; and while he is a raiser of animals his chief business is in growing the products of vegetative life. Other things are incidental, but this is the main business of his calling. And as the main use of the growth of tho soil is food, we regard the farmer's as first of all distinguished by providing food for man and beast. He provides clothing also, by raising fibril plants, such as flax, hemp, and cotton, that give materials for the weaver; but these require so much labor and skill from the manufacturers before they can be useful, as much to divide with others his service; and, moreover, in their relative amount and value, the products that are made into clothing bear a small proportion to the crops that supply food. We say, then, that the business of the farmer is to feed and incidentally to clothe the human race, by studying and applying the law of vegetative growth. He puts the seed into the soil wisely, and carefully tends the plant which yields the harvest. All the arrangements of his farm, however few or many, simple orstately—all of his broad acres, whether meadow, garden, vineyard, orehard, wood—all his fences, walls, drains, barns, dairies, tools, machines, vehicles, cattle, and servants, are but so many different interpretations of the ancient scripture: '' Behold I have given you every herb bearing seed, which is upon the face of all the earth, and every tree, in the which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed; to you it shall be for meat."

The farmer's work, of course, begins with the soil, and his first task is to prepare tho ground for the seed. Now this seems to be a very simple matter; and as in our petty pride we tread upon the brown and common earth, we may think that we know all about it; and if we are inclined to bow the knee at all to its rude majesty, it is because of the gold aud

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