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solute necessity of their providing for their own sup. port, and at the same time holding out the means of their making such provision for all the exigencies of a future family, you establish principles on their minds highly favourable to virtue and order, of the rising generation, and lay the basis of an independent and adequate support, solely arising from their own industry, and productive of the happiest and most extensive consequences to the community at large.

With the capacity of agricultural improvement by inclosures and otherwise, which the empire possesses, a supply of food for a doubled population might be certainly produced; and by keeping the wages of labour in a constant ratio to the supply of victual, the progressive increase of population would sustain no checks whatever, and would afford the surest proof of the solid prosperity of the country.

And in the case of a nation's arriving at a maximum of provisions, (an evil which we need not greatly apprehend) it is quite obvious that any augmentation of numbers would produce a proportionate degree of misery to the whole society, and that artificial checks would not be required, when so many natural ones would arise to keep down and repress an excess of population.

That spirit of manly independence and honest pride which disdains to subsist altogether on charity, is still to be found in some degree in our northern counties; and I myself have witnessed the greatest exertions used (and which under a better system must 2 A 3

have

have been successful) to avoid the disgrace of a workhouse, the sale of their little all, and (as they termed it) the consummation of their misery. To revive a si milar spirit throughout every part of the kingdom, by giving a stimulus of exertion, and opening the means of self-support, must be the anxious wish of every friend to his country. What, I would ask, in the best periods of our history, has given rise to the superior prowess of our arms, or to the enterprise and exten sion of our commerce? What has led to the perfection of our manufactures, but the genius of an independent people governed by equal laws, and alive to every impulse of hope, and whose character has been formed on the united basis of virtue, morality, and general independence?

It has been truly said, that in proportion as we advance mankind in their own estimation, we stimu late them to deserve that of others; and I may add, that by bettering their moral condition, and proving that they have something valuable at stake in the common danger, they will be found, both as subjects and soldiers, more attached, resolute, and courageous, than the enslaved multitudes who have nothing to fear or to hope, to lose or gain, by any change of

masters.

If this train of reasoning be correct, (and it might be carried much farther,) there are strong grounds made out for the application of the old scheme of Benefit Societies as a public measure to the nation at large, and with the best hopes of success.

What

has

has been successfully done on a small extent, may, by proper management, and under the sanction of Parliamentary superintendance, be equally well managed on the largest scale; and in its success the interests of every class are directly involved.

The landlord and the farmer, the great manufac turer and the proprietor of fixed and local capital, would make a common cause in supporting a plan so favourable to the amelioration of the lower orders, and at the same time diminishing the pressure of their rates; nor can there be a doubt of the labouring poor themselves being very quickly satisfied of the wisdom. and policy of the measure.

A very sensible and judicious Pamphlet which I have. recently seen, published as far back as the year 1786, for rendering the poor independent of public contribu tion, founded on the basis of Friendly Societies called Clubs, does the philanthropic author (the Rev. T. Acland) the highest credit; and is truly valuable from the Letter and Table of Calculations prefixed to it by the celebrated Dr. Price

On the practicability of a general scheme of this sort, and on its adequacy, together with the provision already made of hospitals, alms-houses, &c. the Rev. Gentleman offers many judicious and sensible observations; and then adds, "but how, it may be asked, is this universality of subscription to be brought about? For my own part, where it for me to determine, I should answer roundly, by the authority of Parliament; since it is surely as equitable to tax a poor man 8s. 8d. a year

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a year in order to secure him a comfortable provision against all the difficulties that may befal him through life, as it was to tax him at 6s. a year for the maintenance of those roads through which he has seldom or ever any occasion to travel."

He imputes the failure of the legislative experiment made in the county of Devon to some well-meant but inconsiderate clauses introduced into the Bill, and not to any defect in the principle; whence, as he justly infers, the " argument of parliamentary appro

bation returns with undiminished force." In the statement of his plan, the refutation of objections, and the salutary provisions suggested against fraud and indolence, he has given us a most useful Essay on Benefit Societies; and it were to be wished that this little tract should be more generally known.

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I feel tempted to introduce a part of Dr. Price's Letter and his Table of Calculations, in confirmation of the opinion which, under every difficulty of prejudice and secret opposition, I have acted upon for 25 years.

"I have considered with much attention your plan for making a general provision for the poor. It is impossible that the principle on which it is founded should not be universally approved; nothing being more plainly equitable and reasonable than that the poor, while young, and in health and vigour, should be obliged, by small savings, to contribute towards their own support when disabled by sickness, accident, or age.

of compound

"This is a case in which the powers interest may be applied with the greatest advantage, as will appear from the following calculation:

"A body of 48 poor people aged 20 (and kept up to this number by admissions at 20 or less) may, if they will save out of their wages but 2d. per week, and this saving is properly improved at no higher interest than 3d. per cent. provide for themselves an allowance of 2s. per week for life, should they survive the age of 65; and also an allowance of 4s. per week during incapacitation by sickness or accident before that age; supposing one of them (that is a 48th part) to be always so incapacitated.

"Your plan, after the first year, requires all the poor to become contributors, either at, or before, or very soon after the age now mentioned; and as far as it includes such contributors, I cannot doubt of its sufficiency for its own support, without any aid from the poor-rate, provided only care is taken to improve properly all surplus-money. I shall also have no doubt of the competency of your plan, were it at its commencement to admit all under 30, or even 31; provided that for ever afterwards it admitted none whose ages exceeded 21, or 22. But after 31, the contributions of the lower classes in your plan become deficient; and from 50 to 55 they are extremely so, as will appear from a table I have given below. But there are in the plan some advantages which probably will more than compensate this deficiency; particularly the entrance-money required of all turned of

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