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eeedings were disavowed by the Russians, and Ypsilanti, defeated and driven into the Austrian dominions, was seized and thrown into a dungeon.
Of the disposition of Nicholas in this respect, we are yet wholly ignorant; but as the successor to an absolute government, we may not uncharitably suppose, that he would wish to preserve unimpaired the power he has suddenly received, and to guard against the introduction of enlightening facts and liberal policy: in the commerce of opinions, in the interchange of communications between the free man and the slave, despotism always suffers. Force must therefore be employed to prevent intercourse—the mental faculties must be prohibited from their full exercise—the sanative cordon must be rendered as impassable to republican notions, as to the yellow fever or the plague, and peace and power must be preserved by silence and submission. Greece has now but little to expect from the friendly intervention of Russia. Nor can she, we fear, calculate on any desirable aid from the other principal potentates of Europe. Laying aside the abject and enfeebled throne of Spain, the disunited and inefficient states of Italy, the remoter kingdoms of the north, (Venice, and Genoa, and Rhodes, once so glorious and so competent, are now no more,) we confine our attention to Austria, Prussia, Great Britain and France, and a short view of their respective interests, and probable course of conduct, may not be uninteresting.
In the order in which they are named, Austria first commands our notice, as its proximity seems to render it more immediately concerned. Austria, in times not very distant, has felt the force of Turkey. When the grand vizier of Mahomet IV. approached her capital in 1683, she trembled for her own safety; and if she has since sustained little annoyance from the same quarter, it may be attributed more to a decline of power, than to a kindness of feeling. It would, therefore, be a matter of no small moment to her, to witness the extinction of a barbarous nation from which she has no good offices to expect; and which, if its faculties ever revive, may prove again a dangerous enemy. If this conquest were achieved by Russia, she would probably have less to fear. It certainly would be the interest of Russia to remain on friendly terms with her. But on the other hand, Austria, though less absolute in its form of government, is wedded to the seducing doctrine of the divine right of kings, and the illegitimacy of all forms of government proceeding from the people. To her the republics of Peloponnesus would be appalling Gorgons, and she would as willingly restore power and independence to Venice as to Athens.
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lightened part of our species, in every quality and attribute most germane to ourselves, and make no effort for their relief—because it is not the interest of Britain to weaken the power of Turkey.
Considerations of the same nature, though not in all respects, or to an equal extent, the same as those which we have ascribed to France, must be considered as actuating Great Britain. It is unnecessary to repeat them, but we may conclude this part of our remarks, by observing how little influence on the conduct of all the European cabinets, is derived from the contrast of the religion of the oppressor and the oppressed. The time once was, when the enthusiasm of Christians led hundreds of thousands in military array to attempt the recovery of the Holy Land from its infidel conquerors. Nearly two millions of Christians are now writhing under every species of affliction from the same hands. The habitual severity of oppression is rendered more poignant by the contumelies thrown upon their worship and their creed, and by the difficulties, and sometimes the impossibility of continuing in their ancient faith. Extortion is practised upon all, and doubled upon those who will not submit to become Mahometans. Those who refuse to exchange a blessed Saviour for a vile impostor, are coldly abandoned by fellow Christians to sorrow and despair, because it would be contrary to national policy to relieve them. While so much pains are annually taken to convert distant quarters of the globe to Christianity, it is wonderfully inconsistent that the same spirit should not produce a single effort to protect those who were among the first in Europe to adopt it .
But on these themes it is equally painful and useless to enlarge. Of late, there have been rumours of a successful mediation with the Porte in behalf of the Greeks. Of the particulars we are not apprized; but we may confidently presume, that the absolute independence of the Greeks has formed no part either of the application of one party, or the assent of the other. Yet, with nothing short of absolute independence will these brave, enlightened men be satisfied. No Turkish promise to lessen the weight of their chains will be relied on; no continuance of provincial subjection will be submitted to. They have before their eyes the noble example of their own ancestors when invaded by Persia; and of this country, when it resisted Great Britain. They have seen how firmness and perseverance may produce success; and that courage, which nothing has yet intimidated; that patience, which nothing has yet exhausted; if not closed by extermination, must end in independence. If the former should ensue, the selfish sovereigns of Eu