in his own name, and fent it to the emperor,

દર

and

this opinion no pope can ever make me to recant, "except they firft renounce any farther meddling with "princes, in any thing belonging to their temporal ju(f) Works, "rifdiction (f)." Returning then to Bellarmine's rep. 328. ply, he complains loudly of the lies contained in it, and of the ill-manners wherewith it abounds; and after a great deal of heavy stuff about the powder-plot, oath of allegiance, the villany of Garnet, &c. he addreffes himfelf to the kings and princes, and prays God that he and they may not fuffer the incroaching Babylonian monarch to gain ground upon them. It is very remarkable, that in this answer to Bellarmine, contained in the premonition, fames takes not the leaft notice of the account given by him of his having formerly written to the pope, and begged a cardinal's hat for one of his fubjects, in order that through him he might be the more able to advance his affairs in the court of Rome. This, I fay, is remarkable, and argues in James a conviction of the truth of what was alledged against him. Indeed, with no face could he pretend to deny it: for 'was well known to his own and foreign minifters, that his ambaffador at the French court had frequently folicited it, and thereby had reflected on his honour and judgment (g); and that he himself had negotiated with the pope by means of cardinal Aldo-brandini, in order, as was thought, to his becoming catholic (b). He had 388. not the face therefore to deny, in a work addressed to (6) Birch's foreigners, a fact which could fo eafily have been made negotiations, good against him. However, in order to amufe his own

(g) Win. wood's me morials,

Vol. I. p.

P. 38.

fubjects, he pretended the letter written to the pope, produced in this controverfy, was furreptitiously obtained by lord Balme ino; and accordingly that lord, (i) See Cal- following the direction in all things of lord Dunbar (i),derwood, P. after having confeffed that he himself drew the letter Spotswood, without his majesty's knowledge or confent, and got P. 507. him ignorantly to fign it, had fentence of death passed on him for this his action. No doubt of it, James thought

604. and

and princes, to whom it was addreffed. The prefacer of his majefty's works tells us of the great effects produced by this premonition (xx), but, if we deal impartially, we

muft

thought hereby to have cleared himself in the eyes of his fubjects of all correfpondence with the pope. But "when Balmerino was prefently pardoned, and, after "a fhort confinement, reftored to his liberty: all men

fays Burnet, believed that the king knew of the let"ter, and that the pretended confeffion of the fecre"tary was only collufion to lay the jealousies of the "king's favouring popery, which ftill hung upon him, "notwithstanding his writing on the Revelations, and "his affecting to enter on all occafions into controverfy, afferting in particular that the pope was antichrift (k)."- So that his artifice was of no avail, (k) Burnet, the covering was too thin; and all who had eyes muft Vol. I. p. 6. fee that there was but too much truth in what had been faid concerning him. Such are the effects of diffimulation whereas honefty, integrity, and fair-dealing, appear, openly and above-board, and always on examination are honourable to thofe by whom they are prac tifed, and generally profitable.

(xx) The prefacer to his majefty's works tells us of the great effects produced by this premonition.] He obferves, "that upon the coming forth of that book, "there were no ftates that difavowed the doctrine of "it in the point of the king's power; and the Vene"tians maintained it in their writings, and put it in "execution; the Sorbons maintained it likewife in "France."

2dly," That their own writers that oppofed it, fo, "overlashed, as they were corrected and caftigated by: "men of their own religion."

(a) Preface to James's works.

must acknowledge that it met but with a very

3dly, "That his majesty's confeffion of faith had "been fo generally approved, as that it had converted 66 many of their party; and that had it not been for the "treatise of antichrift, he had been informed many "more would eafily have been induced to subscribe to "all in that preface."

4thly, "That kings and princes had by his majesty's "premonition a more clear infight, and a more per"fect discovery, into the injury offered to them by the "pope in the point of their temporal power, than ever "they had, infomuch as that point was never fo tho"roughly difputed in Chriftendom, as it had been by "the occafion of his majesty's book."

Laftly, "That for the point of antichrift, he had "heard many confefs, that they never faw so much. "light given into it, as they had done by this perfor"mance." So that, adds he, " though controverfies "be fitter fubjects for scholars ordinarily, than for "kings, yet when there was such a neceffity in under"taking, and fuch a fuccefs being performed, I leave "it to the world to judge, whether there was not a special hand in it of God or no (a),”

66

And I will leave the world to judge of the grofs flattery, not to say impiety, of this prelate in talking after this rate. What! muft we attribute the fquabbles of pedants to God? muft his hand be concerned in ufhering into the world the dull heavy performance of a king? far be fuch thoughts from us! when God acts, he acts like himself; all is wife, good, and fuccefsful: nor can we more dishonour him than by calling him in as an encourager or affifter of our whims and extravagancies. But this bifhop had no fenfe of propriety; as Jong as he could praise he was fatisfied, let it be in ever

fo

very indifferent reception abroad, especially

from

fo wrong a place; by which his own character suffered, and his master was despised.

'Tis pleasant enough, however, to fee fuch effects attributed to this work of James's. The Venetians, upon the coming out of this book, maintained the doctrine of the fupream power of temporals in princes and free states. 'Tis true they did; and they had done it before ever James had put pen to paper on this fubject; for the quarrel with the pope, which produced the interdict, arose from thence: now this commenced anno 1606, and James's apology was not printed till the year 1609, and confequently neither it nor the premonition which came after it, could be the cause of their holding this doctrine (b). As to the Sorbonne, ever fince the (6) Father extinction of the civil wars in France, they had taught by Lockman, it; nor could be expected any fovereign ftate would prefixed to disavow it so that whatever the bishop might say, 'tis his treatife certain nothing this way was produced. As for James's adverfaries being oppofed by men of their own religion, 'tis not to be wondered at. There are every 8vo. Lond. where men who love controversy, and therefore that 1736. and will oppofe, if only for a fhew of their parts and gotiations, learning. How many were converted by his majesty's p. 298. confeffion of faith I cannot say, I remember to have read but of one, the archbishop of Spalatto (c); but (c) Frank I know very well that within a few years of this land's ancontroverfy, great numbers of the British proteftant nals, p. 27. fubjects revolted to the Romish communion, none of which, I believe, were induced to return by this per

formance.

of ecclefiafti.

cal bene

Birch's ne

II.

-If many were converted by it, why had they not been pointed out? we know Waddefworth, chaplain to Sir Charles Cornwallis, ambaffador in Spain, (d) Winwas reconciled to the church of Rome, and feveral of wood, Vol. the faid Sir Charles's kinsmen (d): We know likewise P. 131, that Toby Matthews (afterwards Sir Toby) fon to the 295, 441. archbishop of York, went over to it likewife (e); but (e) Cabala, their return is never mentioned, nor are there any con- Lond. 1663. P. 56. Fol. verfions

136, 260,

from most of the princes and ftates to whom it was addreffed (YY); though there were

not

verfions by means of his majefty's book, except that one I have spoke of, recorded, and which, if true, was of no confequence: for it is well known that Spalatto went off from the proteftants, and came to a most unhappy end at Rome: fo that the bifhop has been very unhappy in his affertions with refpect to the confequences of the premonition, and cannot but be put down as an inventor. As to the fourth and last things mentioned as following from this book, I have nothing to fay to them they are before the reader, and he may view them in what light he pleases.

(YY) It met with but a very indifferent reception abroad, &c.] Let us hear a zealous hugonot: "This "work [the apology and premonition prefixed] ferved "for no more than to fhew the little account the ca"tholics made of the author. It was not looked upon "in Spain; 'twas burnt in Florence; the inquifition at

Rome put it in the number of prohibited books; "'twas ill received in France by the catholics, and the "king forbad it fhould be tranflated or printed, 'Twas only at Venice where the reading of it was not pro(a) Hiftory "hibited (a)." There is fome truth in this, tho' the of the edict account given is not very exact. Let us correct it as well of Nantes, as we can from Winwood's ftate papers. Lord Salisbury, Vol. I. P. in a letter to Sir Charles Cornwallis, dated June 8, 1609, Lond. 1694. tells him that his majefty had thought fit to fend his

451. 4to.

(b) Winwood, Vol. III. p. 51

(c) Id. p. 68.

"book to the Emperor, to the French king, who hath "received it, and all other chriftian kings and princes,

as a matter which jointly concerns their abfolute ju"rifdiction and temporalities (b)." But though it was fent to all other chriftian kings and princes, it was not received by them. The arch-dukes would not accept-of it (c); and even the ftate of Venice, after they had "received the king's books, they did by public ordi"nance forbid the publishing of the fame; which (fays

Sir