for all the evils that we now experience are the natural consequences of the measures; without the adoption of which those wars could not have been carried on. It was impossible to carry on the wars without creating the Debt; and it is the the "same spirit" abroad, which we have now to contend against at home. You say, that this spirit is now come to elbow us at our fire-sides; and, that you would rather, for your part, again cross the sea, and combat this spirit" on the plains of the peninsula", or on the "field Debt, which now causes the ruin and the misery, and the" of Waterloo." Strange idea! whole of the ruin and the misery Talk of the "wild and visiontoo; because, if there were no ary projects" of the Reformers, Debt, no standing army at indeed! Have any of them home would be wanted, and the ever uttered any thing a thouArmy and the Debt constitute sandth part so wild as this? almost all the expence. The army is necessary to insure the collection of the money to pay the interest of the Debt; and thus, the Debt constitutes the whole of the evil. However, reform was prevented for the time. But, then, the Debt was contracted; and this Debt has now to be paid. You might be asked, in passing, whether "this same spirit" was at work in America, and whether the seventy millions, which we have yet to pay for the war against that country, were necessary to be expended, in order to prevent irreligion from finding its way from that country to But let this go. Therefore, the "glorious wars" have produced a miserable peace: temporary triumph has produced permanent dejection and humiliation. Hence, we are naturally induced to look back to the origin of the late wars. That they were un-England? dertaken and renewed and pur- The plain state of the case is sued for the purpose of preventing a reform of the parliament you now plainly acknowledge; for you say, that we were, during the wars, contending against this we have forty millions a year to pay FOR EVER, mind, on account of wars, carried on, according to your own confession, for the purpose of keeping down" that same spirit," which | "tions." If you were now to is now, as you say, more active and dangerous than ever. And you, even to this day, applaud the conduct of PITT, in beginning and carrying on these wars. Are you aware, that reform, or any thing else that the mind of man can imagine, could do a greater harm to a country, than a mortgage on the land and labour to the amount of a great deal more than the worth of the land in fee? If the reformers had actually made a republic, even like that of America, would they have done greater harm to the country than to load it with such a mortgage? They never designed any such thing, and they do not now; but, could even the execution of such a design have done the country greater harm? But, even if this enormous evil had been attended with the desired effect, there would have been something to say in defence of the wars. If you were now to "we say: “ we are ruined: the coun "try is bankrupt: it can never "make another effort: but, we "have secured for ever our po"litical and religious institu say this; then, indeed, you might consistently praise Prrr and the wars. But, in the same breath, that you bestow this praise, you acknowledge, that the wars, which have caused the mortgage, have been wholly unavailing; for you say, that “ the same spirit” is, at this moment, more vigorous and dangerous than ever, and that you have now to combat it on our own shores. Let us do justice here to the memory of Mr. Fox, who, at the outset of the war against France, warned Pitt and the nation of the consequences. He said (as you now confess), that it was a war against principles. That it would not succeed in rooting out the principles; and, that it would leave behind it a load of Debt and Taxes, under which the nation must sink, un-: less it relieved itself by means that would bring all the dreaded principles into fearful activity. Now, is not this precisely the case? Is not this prediction fulfilled to the very letter? If Mr, Fox had not, by yielding to his hungry partizans, co alesced, at last, with the Pitt had risen on the noblesse and the clergy; had put them down; had abolished the institutions; had even put their king to death; had formed a republican government. One half of this, indeed, they had not done, when we assumed a hostile attitude against them. But, suppose it all done. What was it to the English nation? It disturbed us not. It took nothing from us. It attacked us in no way whatever. The danger was, therefore, feigned, and especially the danger to religion. System, how great a man he would have died! The war, as you now confess, was war against principles; you say the principles are still in fearful activity; and you know, that the war has left a load of Debt and Taxes, which every one says must sink the nation into nothingness, except it be gotten rid off; and yet, as you also well know, that no man ventures to propose any effectual way of getting rid of it. This is all undeniable; and yet you still insist on the justice and necessity of the wars, and applaud the main author and pro-was, perhaps, the most ridicusecutor of them. At the beginning of these wars, and during their persecution, there were thousands to pledge themselves to spend their last shilling and to die in the last ditch. These gentlemen, or, at least, those of them, who may be still alive, ought now to come forward and offer up their all. Before a general valuation of lands take place, they ought, it seems to me, to redeem their vaunting pledge. But, let us look a little at the folly and insincerity of this pledge. The French nation The pretext about religion lous, as well as base, that ever was put forward in the world. We can never too often remind the world of its baseness; because, not only is the same pretext now in high vogue; but, we are now tasting the bitter fruits of the war, which was carried on under that pretext. Plainly, then, how stood the case? The French had just got rid of a king, whom we had always been taught to regard as the worst of despots, and of a clergy, whom we had always been taught to regard as the supporters and agents of Anti Christ. Ought this to have would be established; and, that we should he slaves and idolaters. How different the tone in 1793! Then, we were to fight for our liberty and religion; both these were in danger, because the government been a subject of anger with us against the French? Ought this to have alarmed us on the score of religion? Now, speak frankly, ought we to have been alarmed for our religion, because Anti-Christ had received a blow? and religion of France had I should like to have you an- been overthrown. And, those, swer to this question. The who pushed the nation on to French might, perhaps, have the war, pledged their last then become Deists, or even shilling, and said they would Atheists; but, could they be die in the last ditch, in a war worse than the followers of against those, whom they called Anti-Christ? And, if they by all sorts of vile names for were not, before the revolution, having put down that very gofollowers of Anti-Christ and vernment and religion, which, the "Whore of Babylon," that in 1745, we had been told to "Scarlet Whore, drunk with fight against as if fighting for the blood of the Saints;" if the salvation of our very souls! they were not this, before their revolution, our teachers had, been the most gross, impudent, and base deceivers. ward. The real object of 'the Let those, who were alarmed war was kept carefully out of for our religion, take their sight, Religion was made the choice. No longer back than stalking horse. And this is the the year 1745, when the PRE- way, in which, age after age, by TENDER, with the aid of the government after government, French Despot, was endeavour- mankind have been deceived, ing to place himself on the and nation set against nation, English throne, we were told, and one part of a nation against that, if we suffered him to suc-another. Curious, indeed, is ceed a government and a re-it, that, after twenty five years ligion like those of France of war against irreligion, and, for ages, The pretence about religion was, therefore, the most hypocritical that ever was put for→ after that war has terminated of those who voted for me, I saw but one single man that was intoxicated, and I expres in a way that has not only been called successful but glorious beyond all example; curious, sed my wish, that he might not that, after all this, it should be be permitted to vote. Such, now alleged, that, in spite of all warnings, all experience, infidelity and blasphemy should now be more common than religion." And, indeed, it is ever! then, at Coventry, at least, were the evidences of the effect of what are called "loyalty and notorious, that the "Church Ah! Sir, this religion, as the and King mobs" have invariably word is now but too frequently consisted of the most profligate applied, is a very odd sort of and abandoned part of the comthing. It is generally coupled munity. Profligacy is always with loyalty. At Coventry, to be hated, but it is most wor my opponents took loyalty thy of hatred, when it is carried and religion" to themselves, and on under a pretended regard allotted to me "sedition and for religion; and yet, we do blasphemy." And it was curi- see the most notorious proflious enough to behold on their gates; those whom all the side a numerous band of world knows to be the worst, wretches, whose mouths foam- the most base, cruel and cow¬ ed with uttering curses and ex-ardly of husbands; the most ecrations, who were raving mad abandoned drunkards and gamwith drink, and who attacked blers; the most faithless as and broke into houses, and well as the most beastly of men; stabbed and otherwise assault- we do see, that, when these ed scores of defenceless per- men happen to be possessed of sops; while, on my side, and the power of conferring great amongst my adherents, all favours, there are thousands was sobriety, inoffensiveness upon thousands to cry them and peace. Almost the whole of those who voted against me, came swearing and drunk to the poll; while, amongst the whole up as patterns for the imitation of mankind! Can any degree of infidelity; can any contempt of religious ceremonies and |