all into confusion, or, at least, to pro- deed, the farmers could soll their dear duce misery indescribable. Manufacturers, in such a state of things, must depend on commerce, and commerce is, exchanging one article for another. It is folly to suppose, that other nations will buy of us to a greater extent than we buy of them. The thing can very seldom happen for any length of time. And, if it happen at one time, it must be compensated for at another time. This is a matter which has nothing to do with passion or prejudice, with friendship or enmity it is a matter of necessity it is a thing that must be so: and, to attempt to controul it by restrictive laws is wholly useless. If we do not receive a given quantity, or amount, of the products of America, for instance, she will not, because she cannot, take from us a similar amount of our products. So that the Corn-Bill, as far as it operates as a check to the importation of American flour and meat and timber, also operates as a check to our manufactures; and, if we take the dead stock of inactive machinery into view, this check produces a loss enormous. Whether it would be a good thing if this body of manufacturers were not in existence, is a question that it would be useless to discuss. They are in existence. They are alive, and have a right to live. At any rate they cannot be gotten rid of. And while this is the case, every thing corn to somebody else besides the people of England, the gains of the land would go to be laid out for the benefit of manufacturers. But, the high price is to be paid by the rest of this same community; so that, upon the general scale, nothing is added to the national means by the high price, while, if the ports were open, something would be added to those means by the exchange of food for labour, which would prevent a large portion of the poor-rates that now exist. If a man live as he ought to live, he will consume about 250 pounds of flour and 200 pounds of pork in a year, or some other food equal in point of nutriment. Now, here is a weaver at Coventry, who makes ribbons, when he can get work. Let him get this quantity of flour and pork from America, and the Americans will take the amount out in ribbons. Is not this an advantageous thing to England? The man lives well, and he never troubles the parish. His labour produces flour and pork as much as the farmer's man's labour produces flour and pork. His loom enables him to draw his food across the Atlantic, and to set the plough and the flail going there. But, if you will not suffer the American to bring the four and the pork, the American can that tends to prevent articles from being bought in to be exchanged for the work of their hands is, and must be, unwise and mischievous. If, in-not take the ribbons, his wife and daughters must do without these proportion. He cannot be benefineries; and, the ribbon-weaver fitted by high prices so long as his must do without the American landlord has the power of augflour and pork; he must have half menting his rent, and so long as work or less, and must be half- labour rises with the rise in the starved. produce of the land. But, there are the taxes. These continue stationary. To face them it must be best to have high prices. This is very true; but, then, observe, the rest of the community, being compelled to submit to this high price, will be less able to pay taxes than they were before. That which they pay, in addition, for their food, they cannot have to pay taxes with and to lay out in ma nufactured goods. Aye, say the Corn Bill wiseacres; but, if FARMER GRIPUM, my lord's tenant, get a high price for his corn and meat, he will have the money, which the American farmer would otherwise have, to buy ribbons with. Yes, he would; but, then, this high price being paid by the rest of the community, the rest of the community would have just as much less as GRIPUM would have more, money to buy ribbons with. The fact, however, is, that GRIPUM would not have more money to buy ribbons, or any thing else, with. His poor rates would be augmented, and his rent would be augmented; and, if gain rested any where, it would rest with the owner of the land, and not with the farmer. And, indeed, this Bill was a Bill wholly in favour of landlords, though the native greediness of the farmers made them, and still makes them, eager for it. Take things upon an average of years, it is impossible, that high price can be beneficial to a renting farmer; because all his out-goings are high, and must be high, in you Thus, then this famous Corn Bill, which you, Sir, say was opposed by popular delusion, to which disdained to listen, was manifestly, as I think, founded, in foolish greediness; and has, as I know, produced prodigious mischief. It proceeded (where the motive was not sheer greediness)upon a wrong notion as to the cause of the distress of the farmers; as to the cause of their inability to pay rent and taxes as before. This cause was, not the "superabundant produce," as poor Mr. WESTERN called it; but, the diminution, which had then taken place in the quantity of the paper-money; in the consequent rise of the value of the farmer for taxes, and also for rent, in case of a lease extending beyond the year. This was the cause of the distress; and, how was a cause like this to be countéracted by a Corn Bill? that money; and the consequent brood of chickens. Do you still additional real demand made on hope to gain over to you "the "Gentlemen of England ?" What, to begin with, do you think of the twelve, whom you had the honour to address at Leicester? Where, then, is your reliance? On the Fox-hunters? They may, as to most other matters, be stupid enough; but, let them but get the slightest scent of you on the reform track, and they will show you, that they are as cunning as the animal they live to pursue. They are, nine out of every ten, tyrants in their very nature; and all their familiar bawling and boozing do not diminish their ar rogance and insolence towards those whom they are able to op. press. This doctrine, which I alone held at the time, is now generally acknowledged to be true; and, therefore, it is, at this time of day, a little too much to hear you putting forward, as a merit, your having treated the opposition to the Corn Bill as having proceeded from popular error and delusion! You may talk, Sir, of parliamentary reform, as long as you please; but, you will never make me believe, that you are sincere, until I see you propose some meaWho, then, are you to persuade sure likely to lead to it. How is to join you? I cannot imagine, it to be obtained? By force of for my part, any project more arms? That you are anxious to wild., REFORM will never take disclaim; and well you may, place, until the paper-fabrick be when you look at the military at- well shaken; and, if you would titude of those who wish not to hasten a reform, you must attack have a reform. How, then? By that fabrick, and this, as you soft persuasion? By speeches never yet have attempted it, so, I made by you, Mr. Hobhouse, fear, you will not now attempt it. young Mr. Whitbread, Sir Ro- There are too many ties that bind bert Wilson, and Mr. Lambton? you, and all the new beroes, to Alas! go, first, and try your ha- the system. These ties you might rangues upon wolves in a sheep-break, if you would; but you fold; or upon a kite that has just cannot break them, without an made a successful dash amongst a effort, such as I have no hope of seeing you make. I know, that from that day to this, has made the paper fabrick will go to this truth more and more evident. pieces. Reform will then come; but, it will not have been brought by you, and you will not, it is my opinion, have much to say in the final settlement of the affair. A thousand pounds, therefore, expended, in order to get young Mr. WHITBREAD into parliament, though it may be very proper so to expend it, will do nothing toThe way to go work now, is, towards restoring the country to propose some distinct measure, le- freedom, unless we should, to our velled directly at the paper-fabrick. | agreeable surprise, find that this It would not be instantly adopt- young man has something to proed; perhaps never. But, it would pose to shake the stock-jobbing be discussed; and by discussion concern; and that he has the the minds of men would be pre-ability and industry to produce a pared for the event. But, as to speeches about reform, what are they now to produce? For, who is there in the whole world, that can possibly believe, that this nation is to be restored to prosperity merely by a change in the mode of electing Members of Parliament?he produce no effect; if he mereThat change is, indeed, necessa-ly obtain the applause of the unry to the restoration of prosperity; but the change cannot take place, until the paper-fabrick be shaken; and as to keeping up this fabrick after a reform has taken place, the very thought ought to consign a man to Bedlam. I have no hope of any change, which does not emanate from this source. PAINE said, in 1796, that the question was, not how long the Borough system would last, but, how long the Funding systém would last; and, every day, great impression on men's minds by the matter that he brings for ward. If he do no more than his father did, of what use will he be? He may make very pretty speeches, and may rail against Ministers in good round sentences; but, if thinking; if the System be wholly unshaken by him, his efforts will be as useless, and nearly as ridiculous, as a dog's baying the moon. I should very much like to have from you, Sir, an answer to this plain question: Do you wish the interest to continue to be paid to the full to the fundholders? If I had your answer to this question, I should, at once, be able to say, whether any hope can be entertained of you, or not. You may say, that is a question to be here- | cannot be much longer paid withafter discussed. By no means. It out a resort to extraordinary is the preliminary question.means; and one man has actually Without coming to a decision proposed to take away the sixth part of every man's real property. Under such circumstances, is it likely, that you and Mr. Hobhouse and Sir Robert Wilson and young Mr. Whitbread will be on that, it is nonsense to talk about a Reform of the Parliament; because this latter never can take place as long as, by no matter what means, that interest shall be paid to the full. If I was a fund-able, by soft persuasion, to preholder, and had my interest duly paid me, and had to depend on this for my living at my ease, would I listen to any proposition for changing the managers of the nation's affairs? I believe not in-matter, if you proceed upon the vail in the great families to make a Reform that would put their estates into the hands of men, chosen by the people at large? You take a wrong view of the notion, that public opinion has now its former weight. Since 1816, this has been gradually be coming of less and less consequence with those who have the management of the system. A military force, co-operating with a magistracy armed with new and extraordinary powers, and the whole more completely organized deed! There are about three hundred thousand fundholders. These, or the far greater part of them, hate the Sinecure and Pension Gentry as much as I do; but, they are embarked in the same boat: they must swim along with those they hate, or sink: and, therefore, they are strenuously opposed to any change in the system. The Seat-owners would, doubtless, than almost any thing in the with re-world ever was; these have divested the rulers of all care about any thing, except the Debt, its appendages and corsequences. These, therefore, are the grounds to work on; and, if well worked on in parliament, a prodigious effect would be produced in a very short time. While, with regard to Reform, the old story, without give up |