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kamagus and Massandowet, and the barbarous murder of Major Waldron and many of his people.

KANKAMAGUS, commonly in the histories called Hogkins, Hawkins, or Hakins, was a Pennakook sachem, and an artful, persevering, faithful man, as long as he could depend upon the English for protection. But when Governor Cranfield, of New Hampshire, used bis endeavors to bring down the Mohawks to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1684, who were constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the English, Kankamagus, knowing the Mohawks made no distinction where they came, fled to the eastward, and joined the Androscoggins. He had a fort upon that river, where his family and that of another sachem, called Worombos, or Worombo, lived. But before he fled his country, he addressed several letters to the governor, which discover his fidelity as well as his fears; and froin which there is no doubt but he would always gladly have lived in his own country, and on the most intimate and friendly terms with the English, to whom he had become attached, and had adopted much of their manner, and could read and write, but for the reasons just stated. The following letters fully explain the situation of his mind and his feelings, at the time he expected the Mohawks would ravage his country :

May 15th, 1685. Honor governor my friend. You my friend I 'desire your worship and your power, because I hope you can do som great matters this one. 1 am poor and naked, and have no men at my place because I afraid allways Mohogs he will kill one every day and night. [ your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake River called Panukkog and Nalukkog, I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want pouder and such alminishon, shatt and guns, because I have forth at my hom, and I plant theare."

This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble servant. Simon DeToGKOM,*

JOHN HOGKINS, Joseph X Trask,

Peter ob Robin, King & HARRY,


MR. Hope X Horut
Old * Robin,

John 00 CANOWA,


The same day, as appears by the date of it, Hogkins wrote the followirg letter, which bears the same signature as the above :

Honor Mr. Governor,—Now this day I com your house, I vant se you, and I bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if your worship when please, then receive my han l then shake your hand and my hand. You my friend because I remember at old time when live my grant father and grant molher then Englishmen com this country, then my grant father and Englishmen they make a good government, they friend allwayes, my grant father living at place called Malamakerever, other name chef Natukko and Panukkog, that one rever great many names and I bring you this few skins at this first time I will giue my friend.

This all Indian hand."

The two following are from the same. Please your worship,- I will intreat you matther you my friend now ] this is my Indian he do you long pray you no put your law, because som my Indians fool, som men much love drunk then he no know what he do, may be he do mischief when he drunk if so pray you must let me know what he done because I will ponis

* The same called Betokom in Gookin, probably.-See ante, Book ii. Chap. vii.
1 Perhaps Hopehood.


[Book III, him about what he haue done, you, you my friend if you desire my business, then sent me I will help you if I can.

John HOGKINS." “ Mr. Mason,-Pray I want speak you a few words if your worship when please because I com parfas I will speake this governor but he go away so he say at last night, and so far I understand this governor his power that your power nou, so he speak his own mouth. Pray if you take what I want pray com to me because I want go hom at this day. Your humble servant, May 16, 1685.

John Hogkuns, Indian sagmor." About the time these letters were written, persons were sent among the Indians to ascertain whether, as was reported, they were assuming a warlike attitude. Those to whom the inquiry was intrusted, on their return reported, “ that four Indians came from fort Albany to the fort at Penacook, and informed them (the Indians there) that all the Mohawks did declare they would kill all Indians from Uncus at Mount Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscot.

“The reason of Nutombamat, sagamore of Saco, departed his place was, because the same news was brought there, as himself declared, upon reading my orders at Penacook. Natombamat is gone to carry the Indians down to the same place, where they were before departed from us on Sunday morning, and desired Captain Hooke to meet him at Saco five days after. Both sagamores of Penacook, viz. Wonalansel and Mesandowit, the latter of which is come down, did then declare they had no intention of war, neither indeed are they in any posture for war, being about 24 men, besides squaws and papooses. The reason, they said, why they did not come among the English as formerly, was, their fear, that if the Mohawks came and fought them, and they should fly for succor to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for harboring them."

Notwithstanding this state of affairs, commissioners met the Indians on the 8 September, 1685, and a peace was concluded " between the subjects of his Majesty King James II, inhabiting N. Hampshire and Maine, and the Indians inhabiting the said provinces.” The articles were subscribed on the part of the Indians by The mark A of MESANDOWIT.

The mark of John Nomosy, X of WaHOWAH,


of Umbes rowah, of Tecamorisick,

alias Robin. alias Josias.

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The following signers agree to comply with the terms of the treaty
their neighbors have done."
of WaHowah, alias

John HAWKINS, sagamore,

signed this instrument, 19th 7ber, C of Nep HIGGON

1685, his work. 5 of NEWCOME

BAGEsson, alias JosEPH TRASKE,

his & mark. And agreed to all within written.

Whether Hngkins were among the Penakooks seized by Major Waldron about ten years before, is not certain, or, if he were, it is not probable any resentment remained in his breast against him on that account, as the Pennakooks were all permitted to return home; but it is certain that he was the director and leader in the dreadful calamity which fell upon Waldron not long afterward, and which is as much chargeable upon the maltreatment they received from the English, at least, as upon any agency of the French. It may be true that many belonging to the eastward, who were seized with the Pennakooks, and sold or left in foreign countries, had found their way back among their friends again, and were glad of the first opportunity of revenging themselves upon the author of their unjust expatriation. Major Waldron lived at Dover, then called by its Indian name, Quochecho in New Hampshire, in a strong garrison-louse, at which pla e were also four others. Kankamagus had artfully contrived a stratagem to ettect the surprise of the place, and had others beside the Pennakooks from different places ready in great numbers, to prosecute the undertaking. The plan was this. Two squaws were sent to each garrison-house to get liberty to stay for the night, and when all should be asleep, they were to open the gates to the warriors. Masandowet, who was next to Kankamagus, went to Major Waldron's, and informed him that the Indians would come the next day and trade with him. While at supper with the major, Masandowet said to him, with an air of familiarity, “ Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?" To which he vauntingly replied, “ that he could assemble an hundred men by lifting up his finger.” În this security the gates were opened at midnight, and the work of death raged in all its fury. One garrison only escaped, who would not admit the squaws. They rushed into Waldron's house in great numbers, and while some guarded the door, others commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. Waldron was now 80 years of age, yet, seizing his sword, defended himself with great resolution, and at first drove the Indians before him from room to room, until one getting bebind nim, knocked him down with his hatchet. They now seized upon, and dragged him into the great room, and placed him in an armed chair upon a table. While they were thus dealing with the master of the house, they obliged the family to provide them a supper, which when they had eaten, they took off his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in the most dreadful manner. Some gashed his breast with knives, saying, “ I cross out my account ;" others cut off joints of his fingers, and said to him, “ Now will your fist weigh a pound ? "

After cutting off his nose and ears, and forcing them into his mouth, he became faint from loss of blood; and some holding his own sword on end upon the floor, let him fall upon it, and thus ended his misery.

The Indians had been greatly abused and wronged in their trading with the whites, and it is a tradition to this day all over that part of the country, that Major Waldron took great advantage of them in trade, and did not cross out their accounts when they had paid him; and that, in buying beaver, his fist was accounted to weigh a pound. Although he may have taken no more advantage of the Indians than the majority of Indian traders, yet, at this distant day, extenuation will not be looked for in impartial accounts of the transactions of our ancestors with the Indians.

To enumerate the villanies practised upon this devoted people, would be to expose to everlasting odium the majority of frontier traders from the earliest to the present tiine; but true history, now-a-days, is but little read, and little indeed where the facts militate against the pride of ancestry. A history of wrongs and sufferings preserved only to be read by those who have committed them, must be an unwelcome record! It was, and to this day is, in many places, a uniform practice among speculators or land-jobbers, to get the Indians drunk, and then make their bargains with them! In the time of Philip's war, an Androscoggin Indian said " that he had given an hundred pound for water drawn out of Mr. P. [Purchas) his well." *

But to return to our narrative.

Several were killed at each of the garrison-houses that fell into their hands. They kept the place until the next morning, when, after collecting all the plunder they could carry, took up their march, with 29 captives, into the wilderness towards Canada ; where the chief of them were bought by the French, and in time got home to their country again. Twenty-three were killed before they left the place. This affair took place on the night of the 27th of Jane, 1689. Several friendly Indians informed the English at Chelmsford of the certainty of an attack upon Dover, and they caused a letter to be de

* Hubbard, i. 77.- Thomas Purchase's house at Pegypscot was among the first that fell a prey to the eastern Indians in Philip's war. In the beginning of September, about 20 of them went there, and at first offered to trade, but Mr. Purchase and bis son beitig'from home, they look what they liked without even asking the price of it killed a few sheep and calves, and departed. Ibid, 14, 15.



[Book 11)

spatched in season to have notified the people, but on account of some delay ni Newbury ferry, the benefit of that information was lost.

Four years after, Colonel Church took Worombo's fort, in which were Kan. kamagus's wife and children. This fort was upon the Androscoggin, about 25 or 30 miles from its mouth. In another place, we have given a history of Church's expedition to this fort. The prisoners taken here informed Church that there had been lately a great council held there by the Indians, in which “many were for peace and many against it;" but they finally agreed to go with 300 warriors to Wells with a flag of truce, and to offer the English peace, which if not accepted, they would then fall upon them. “ If they could not take Wells, then they resolved to attack Piscataqua. The which, says Church, when we were well informed of, we left two old squaws that were not able to march, gaue them victuals enough for one week of their own corn, boiled, and a little of our pruisions, and buried their dead, and left them clothes enough to keep them warme, and left the wigwams for them to lye in: gaue them orders to tell their friends how kind we were to them, biding them doe the like to ours. Also if they were for peace to come to goosman Small's, att Barwick, within 14 days, who would attend to discourse them; then we came away with our own five captiues, [English that they had delivered,) and nine of theirs." *

In the same letter we are informed that among these prisoners were Kankamagus's wife and four children. His brother-in-law was taken, but he “ ran away from them." Among the slain was Kankamagus's own sister. A girl was brought away whose father and mother had been slain before her eyes. Two of the children of Worombo were also among the prisoners, all of whom were carried to Plimouth. This expedition upon the Androscoggin was on Sunday, 14 September, 1690.

A few days after this, Church landed at Casco, where the Indians fell upon him by surprise, and were not beaten off for some time, and then only by nard fighting. This was on the 21 September. Church had seven men killed and 24 wounded, two of whom died in a day or two after. The Indians who made this attack were probably led by Kankamagus and Worombo.

HOPEHOOD was a chief nearly as celebrated, and as much detested in bis time, as the chiefs of whom we have just spoken. He was chief of the tribe of the Kennebecks generally known as the Nerigwoks. He was the son of Robinhood, a sachem of whom we have spoken in a former chapter. According to some writers Hopehood was also known by the name Wohawa. The career of bis warlike exploits was long and bloody. Our first notice of him is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house at Newichewannok, since Berwick, in Maine. Fifteen persons, all women and children, were in the house, and Hopehood, with one only beside himself, Andrew of Sace, whom we have before mentioned as an accomplice with Symon, thought to surprise them, and but for the timely discovery of their approach by a young woman within, would have effected their purpose. She tastened and held the door, while all the others escaped unobserved. Hopehood and his companion hewed down the door, and knocked the girl on the head, and, otherwise wounding her, left her for dead. They took two children, which a fouce lad kept from escaping. One they killed, the other they carried off alive. The young woman recove

overed, and was entirely well afterwards. One of the most important actions in which Hopehood was engaged was that against Salmon Falls in New Hampshire, which is minutely detailed by Charlevoir, from whose history we translate as follows. Three expeditions had been set on foot by Governor Frontenac, the troops for which had been raised at three places, Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebeck. Those raised at Three Rivers were ordered against New England; and such was the insignificance of that place, that but 52 men could be raised, including 5 Algonquins and 20 Sokokis: these Indians had lately returned from an eastern expedition. They had at their head one of the officers of the colony, to

Manuscript letter written at the time by Church, and sent to Governor Hinckley of Plimouth.

+ Harris, in his Voyages, ii. 302, who says he was a Huron; but as he cites no authorities, we know not bow he came hy his information.

whom could be intrusted the execution of an enterprise of such a nature, with the greatest confidence ; such is the testimony which Count Frontenac gave in a letter

which he wrote at the time to M. de Seignelay. That officer was the Sieur Hertel. In the small company which he commanded, he had three of his sons and two of bis nephews; viz. The Sieur Crevier, Lord of S. François, and the Sieur Gatineau.

He lett 'l'hree Rivers the 28 January 1690, proceeding direetly south into the country, leaving Lake Champlain to his lett, then turning to the east

, and after a long and rugged march he arrived on the 27 * March, near Salmon Falls,t which he had reconnoitred by his spies. He then divided his men into three companies; the first, composed of 15 men, was ordered to attack a large fortified house. The second, consisting of 11 men, was ordered to seize upon a fort, defended by four bastions. The third, which Hertel commanded in person, marched to attack a still greater fort, which was defended by cannon. All was executed with a conduct and bravery which astonished the English, who made at first stout resistance; but they could not withstand the fire of the assailants: the bravest were cut to pieces, f and the rest, to the number of 54, were made prisoners of war. It cost the victors but one Frenchman, who had his thigh broken, and who died the next day: 27 houses were reduced to ashes, and 2000 g domestic animals perished in the barns, which had been set on fire.

Salmon Falls was but six leagues from a great town called Pascataqua,|| from whence men enough might be sent to swallow up Hertel, and cut off his retreat. In fact, upon the evening of the same day two savages gave notice that 200 1 English were advancing to attack them. Hertel expected it, and had taken his measures to frustrate those of his enemy. He drew up his men in order of battle upon the edge of a river," over which there Was a very narrow bridge, one extremity of which he had secured, and it was impossible for the English to come upon him at any other point. They, however, attempted it, despising the small numbers of the French, whom they engaged with great confidence. Hertel suffered them to advance without firing a gun, and all at once fell upon them, sword in hand; 8 were killed and 10 wounded in the first shock, and the rest fled with precipitation. tt He lost in this encounter the brave Crevier, his nephew, and one of the Sokokis. La Fresniere, bis elder son, was shot in the knee; the scar of which wound he bore for 50 years. If

As Hertel 5% was returning to Canada, he fell in with another party of his countrymen, which proved to be that raised at Quebec, before mentioned, under M. de Portneuf, || and with him agreed upon an expedition against


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* Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132, following Mather, Magnalia, vii

. 68, dates this affair 18 March: there is in reality no error, allowing for the difference of style, (except one day ;) the English not yet having adopied the Gregorian method, which the French had.-See Book 11 Cap. II. 1 Près d'une bourgade Angloise. appellie Sementels.

Abont 30 were killed, according to Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132. ý Charlevoix has been misconstrued by some authors, and made to say 2000 head of calle vere burned.-See Williamson, Hist. Maine, i. 619, who probably did not refer to the text of Charleroir, or perhaps used an exceptionable translation. Deux mille pieces de belail perirent dans les etables, oi l'on aroit mis le feu.Nouvelle France, ii. 51.

| Sementels n'étoit qu'à six lieuës d'une assez grosse bourgade de la Nouvelle Angleterre, nommée Pescadouët. Nourelle France, ii. 51.

" About 140 men.” Belknap, ii, 132. ** Wooster's River, in Berwick. Ibid.

++ The English advanced with great intrepidity, and a varm engagement ensued, which lasted till night, when they retired with the loss of four or five killed. oibid.

# The English, although warned by the fate of Schenectaday,“ dreamı,” says Mather," that while the deep snow of the winter continued, they were safe enough; but this proved as vain 15 a dream of a dry summer. On March 18, ihe French and Indians, being half ont, half l'other, half Indianised French, and half Frenchified Indians, commanded by Monsieur Artel and Hoop-Hood, fell suddenly upon Salmon-falls,” &c. Magnalia,

vii. 68. The English called bin Artel, as his name was pronounced. Sec Magnalia, ibid. 91 The French wrote English names queer enough, but really I should be sadly puzzled to tell which should laugh at the other : however, modern writers should not copy old errors of ignorance. It is easy to see how we come by the name of Burneffe in our Histories of Nero England. -See Hisi. Maine, i. 621.

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