before escaped across the river to Major Phillip's, and thus fortunately defeated a part of the design of their enemies. For this fortunate escape, however, they were under deep obligation to a friendly Indian who lived near by; he having been some how made acquainted with the design of Squanto, immediately imparted his information to the English. The fire of Bonithon's house, says Mr. Hubbard," was to them [at Phillips's garrison,] as the firing of a beacon," which gave them "time to look to themselves." A sentinel in the chamber soon gave notice that he saw an Indian near at hand, and Major Phillips going into the top of the house to make further discovery, received a shot in the shoulder; but it proved to be only a flesh wound. Knowing Phillips, and supposing him to be slain, the Indians raised a great shout, and instantly discovered themselves on all sides of the garrison; but the English, being well prepared, fired upon them from all quarters of their works, killing some and wounding others. Among the latter was a chief who died in his retreat, three or four miles from the place. He advised his fellows to desist from the enterprise, but they refused, and after continuing the siege for about an hour longer, they began to devise some means to set the garrison on fire. But in order to draw out the men from it in the first place, they set a house on fire near it, and also a saw and grist mill; that not having the desired effect, they called to them in an exulting tone, and said, "You cowardly English dogs, come out and put out the fire!" The attack had begun about 11 o'clock in the day, and though the night partially put an end to it, yet the English were alarmed every half hour, until about four or five o'clock in the morning, when the work of the preceding night discovered itself. A noise of axes and other tools had been heard in the neighborhood of the saw-mill, and it was expected the Indians were preparing some engine with which to accomplish their object, and it proved true. A cart with four wheels had been constructed, and on one end they had erected a breastwork, while the body of the cart was filled with birch, straw, powder, and such like matters for the ready consummation of the r stratagem. The approach of this formidable machine dismayed some of the Englishmen in the garrison; but being encouraged by their officers, they stood to their quarters, and awaited its approach. Their orders were not to fire until it came within pistol shot. When it had got within about that distance, one of the wheels stuck fast in a gutter, which its impellers not observing in season, they forced the other wheels onward, and brought themselves into a position to be effectually raked by the right flank of the garrison. This mistake of the enemy was improved to great advantage by the English. They poured in a sudden fire upon them, killing six and wounding 15 more. This sudden and unexpected reverse decided the fate of the garrison. The Indians immediately retreated, and the garrison received no further molestation. As was generally the case in sieges of this kind, the English learned what damage they did their enemy, their numbers, &c., some time after the affair happened. In this case, however, nothing more is related concerning the loss of the Indians than we have given, and their numbers Mr. Hubbard does not expressly state, but says the people in the garrison "espied 40 of them marching away the next morning at sunrise, but how many more were in their company they could not tell."* There were 50 persons in the garrison, though but 15 of them were able to act in its defence. But few days before the affair at Saco, viz. on 12+ September, the family of Thomas Wakely at Presumpscot River were massacred in a revolting manner The "old man," his son, and his daughter-in-law, then enceinte, with three grandchildren, were all murdered, and when discovered by their neighbors, partly burned in the ruins of their habitation, to which the Indians had set fire on leaving the place. One of the family was taken captive, a girl about 11 years old, who, after having passed through all the tribes from the Sokokis to the Narragansets, was restored to the English at Dover by Squando. But * Mr. Folsom, Hist. Saco and Biddeford, 155, says they were computed at 100. 288 MADOKAWANDO. [Book III. it does not appear whether this chief had any thing further to do in the matter, although it may be inferred, that he had some control or command over those that held her prisoner. From the circumstance that this child was shown to the hostile tribes through the country, it would seem that the eastern Indians were in concert with those to the west; and it is probable that this captive was thus exhibited to prove that they had taken up the hatchet. Upon her being returned, Mr. Hubbard remarks, " She having been carried up and down the country, some hundreds of miles, as far as Narraganset fort, was, this last June, returned back to Major Waldron's by one Squando, the sagamore of Saco; a strange mixture of mercy and cruelty! And the historian of Maine observes, that his "conduct exhibited at different times such traits of cruelty and compassion, as rendered his character difficult to be portrayed." He was a great powwow, and acted in concert with Madokawando. These two chiefs "are said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of moralized savages; grave and serious in their speech and carriage, and not without some show of a kind of religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the prince of darkness." In another place, Mr. Hubbard calls him an "enthusiastical, or rather diabolical miscreant." His abilities in war gained him this epithet. MADOKAWANDO, of whom we have just made mention, was chief of the Penobscot tribe. He was the adopted son of a chief by the name of Assiminasqua. Some mischief had been done by the Androscoggin Indians in Philip's war, and the English, following the example of those whom they so much reprobated, retaliated on any Indians that fell in their way. Madokawando was not an enemy, nor do we learn that his people had committed any depredations, until after some English spoiled his corn, and otherwise did him damage. Many of the eastern Indians had been kidnapped and sold for slaves, about the time Philip's war commenced. This, it will not be questioned, was enough to cause a war, without Philip's instigation, or the affront offered to the wife and child of Squando. The English had prohibited the sale of arms and ammunition to them, as they had before to the western tribes, as a means of lessening their power, provided they should declare themselves hostile; thus properly regarding their own safety, and totally disregarding whatever evils might accrue from the measure to the Indians. Knowing enough had been done to excite their resentment, agents were sent to parley with them, in the spring and summer of 1676, to hinder, if possible, their taking offence at these proceedings. Meanwhile the Indians had complained to some friendly English of the outrage upon their friends, who were unacquainted with the circumstance, and hardly believed it; still, told the Indians, that if it were so, those kidnapped should be restored, and the perpetrators punished. But knowing the circumstance to be as they had represented, it is rather marvellous, that Indians, instead of at once retaliating, should hearken to unsatisfactory parleyings, as will appear; for when the English agents went to treat with them, or rather to excuse themselves for what they could not, or pretended they could not, amend, the Indians, in the course of the interview, said, "We were driven from our corn last year by the people about Kennebeck, and many of us died. We had no powder and shot to kill venison and fowl with to prevent it. If you English were our friends, as you pretend you are, you would not suffer us to starve as we did." "However," says Mr. Hubbard, "the said agent, making the best he could of a bad cause, used all means to pacify the complainants." The great "all means " was, that they should try to get the Androscoggin Indians to come and hold a treaty! so that if the English could effect a treaty with them, then there would be a general peace with the eastern Indians. This talk, it was said, they received with joy. "Yet," adds the same author, still by one fatal accident or other, jealousies still seemed to increase in their minds, or else the former injuries began to boil afresh in their spirits, as not being easily digested," &c. A meeting had been agreed upon at Totononnock, or Taconnet, and immediately after the meeting just mentioned a runner was sent down from thence, with word that Squando would be there with "divers Amonoscoggan sachems," Mugg having been sent as a messenger to him. Accordingly the English proceeded to Taconnet. On their arrival, they were honored with a salute, and conducted into the council house, where they found Madokawando, Assiminasqua, Tarumkin, Hopehood, Mugg, and many attendants. Madokawando was prime negotiator, and Assiminasqua chief speaker, who soon after proceeded to make a speech, and among other things said, "It is not our custom when messengers come to treat of peace, to seize upon their persons, as sometimes the Mohawks do; yea, as the English have done, seizing upon fourteen Indians, our men, who went to treat with you-setting a guard over them, and taking away their guns. This is not all, but a second time you required our guns, and demanded us to come down unto you, or else you would kill us. This was the cause of our leaving both our fort and our corn, to our great loss." This speech caused considerable embarrassment to the English, "yet," says Hubbard, "to put the best construction might be, on such irregular actions, which could not well be justified, they told them, the persons who had so done were not within the limits of their government, and therefore, though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet they did utterly disallow thereof." And to be as expeditious as possible, the English commissioners told these chiefs that they came to treat with the Androscoggins, and were sorry that Squando was not there. And it appears that, though the English reported a peace with the Penobscots, yet Madokawando and his coadjutors scarcely understood as much; and it is also evident that the business was hurried over as fast as possible by the English commis sioners. ASSIMINASQUA, it will be proper here to observe, was a Kanibas sachem, whose residence was at or near the place where the treaty was held. What had been said by Assiminasqua in the morning was merely preliminary, and it was his intention in the afternoon to enter more particularly into details; but the English cut the matter short, and proceeded to treat with such of the Androscoggins as were present. Tarumkin was their orator, and he spoke to this effect:— "I have been to the westward, where I have found many Indians unwilling to make peace; but for my own part, I am willing," which he confirmed by taking the English by the hand, as did seven or eight of his men, among whom were Mugg and Robinhood's son. The English had now, as they supposed, got matters into a regular train; but Madokawando, it appears, was not willing to leave things in quite so loose a manner, as it regarded his people. He therefore interrupted: - "What are we to do for powder and shot, when our corn is consumed? what shall we do for a winter's supply? Must we perish, or must we abandon our country, and fly to the French for protection? The English replied that they would do what they could with the governor "some might be allowed them for necessity." Madokawando added: "We have waited a great while already, and now we expect you will say yes or no?' The English rejoined: "You say yourselves that many of the western Indians would not have peace, and, therefore, if we sell you powder, and you give it to the western men, what do we but cut our own throats? It is not in our power, without leave, if you should wait ten years more, to let you have powder." Here, as might reasonably have been expected, ended the negotiation, and massacres and bloodshed soon after desolated that part of the country. At the close of the war of 1675 and 6, this sachem's people had among them about 60 English captives. When it was known to him that the English desired to treat about peace, he sent Mugg, one of his chiefs, to Pascataqua, to receive proposals; and, that he might meet with good acceptance, sent along with him a captive to his home. General Gendal, of Massachusetts, being there, forced Mugg on board his vessel, and carried him to Boston, for which treacherous act an excuse was pleaded, that he was not vested with sufficient authority to treat with him. Madokawando's ambassador, being now in the power of the English, was obliged to agree to such terms That is, those who had kidnapped their friends. + Hubbard, part ii. 38 290 MADOKAWANDO.-DESTRUCTION OF YORK. [Book III as the English dictated. It is no wonder, therefore, if the great chief soon appears again their enemy. Still, when Mugg was sent home, Madokawando agreed to the treaty, more readily, perhaps, as two armed vessels of the English conveyed him. A son of Reverend Thomas Cobbet had been taken, and was among the Indians at Mount Desert. It so happened that his master had at that time sent him down to Castein's trading-house, to buy powder for him. Mugg took him by the hand, and told him he had been at his father's house, and had promised to send him home. Madokawando demanded a ransom, probably to satisfy the owner of the captive, “fearing,” he said “to be killed by him, if he yielded him up without he were there to consent; for he was a desperate man, if crossed, and had crambdt two or three in that way." Being on board one of the vessels, and treated to some liquor, "he walked awhile," says Cobbet, "to and again on the deck, and on a sudden made a stand, and said to Captain Moore, 'Well captain, since it is so, take this man: I freely give him up to you; carry him home to his friends."" A red coat was given to Madokawando, which gave him great satisfaction. The historians of the war have all observed that the prisoners under Madokawando were remarkably well treated. In February, 1677, Major Waldron, and Captain Frost, with a body of men, were sent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the Indians, who still remained hostile. At Pemmaquid, they were invited on shore to hold a treaty, but the English finding some weapons concealed among them, thought it a sufficient umbrage to treat them as enemies, and a considerable fight ensued, in which many of the Indians were killed, and several taken prisoners; among whom was a sister of Madokawando. He had no knowledge of the affair, having been gone for several months at a great distance into the country, on a hunting voyage. We hear no more of Madokawando until 1691. It will be found mentioned in the account of Egeremet, that in that year a treaty was made with him and other eastern chiefs. This was in November, and it was agreed by them, that, on the first of May following, they would deliver all the captives in their possession, at Wells. 'But," says Dr. Mather,§ "as it was not upon the firm land, but in their canoes upon the water, that they signed and sealed this instrument; so, reader, we will be jealous that it will prove but a fluctuating and unstable sort of business; and that the Indians will do a lie as they used to do." Meanwhile Madokawando, among other important expeditions which he planned, attempted one upon York, in which he succeeded nearly to his wishes, if not beyond his expectations. Such was his manner of attack, that the English scarce knew their enemy; from whence they came, or their numbers. But it was afterwards found by the Indians' own confession, and some captives they had liberated, that Madokawando was the leader in the business. Whether he had during the winter been to Canada, and got the assistance of some Frenchmen, or whether Castiens, his son-in-law, and some other Frenchmen who then resided among his people at Penobscot, were with him, we cannot take it upon us to state; but certain it is, some French were in his company, but how many is also uncertain, but the number of Indians was stated at about 250. It was on Monday, February 5, in the year 1692, early in the morning, that York was laid in ashes, all except three or four garrisoned houses, and about 75 of its inhabitants killed, and 85 taken captive. Such only escaped as reached the garrisons, and these were summoned to surrender, but the besiegers dared not to continue long enough to make any effectual assault upon them, and thus they escaped. The wretched captives * A treaty was signed 9th of Dec. 1676. Manuscript Nar. of Rev. T. Cobbet. It may be seen in Hubbard's Narrative. The Indian word for killed. Wood's N. E. Prospect. Manuscript Narrative, before cited. Perhaps this was the same Captain Moore who car ried the news of Philip's defeat and death to London afterwards. See OLD INDIAN CHRON ICLE, 105. Magnalia, vii. 76. were hurried into the wilderness, and many suffered and died by the way. The Reverend Shubael Dummer, minister of the place, a man in high estimation for his virtues, was about the first victim; he was shot as he was mounting his horse at his own door; his wife was among the captives, and died in captivity. York was at this time one of the most important towns in the country.* Circumstances having thus transpired, the English had very little reason to expect an observance of the articles of the treaty before alluded to, yet persons were sent to Wells to receive the captives, provided they should be offered. They took care to be provided with an armed force, and to have the place of meeting at a strong place, which was Storer's garrison-house. But, as the author just cited observes, "The Indians being poor musicians for keeping of time, came not according to their articles." The reason of this we cannot explain, unless the warlike appearance of the English deterred them. After waiting a while, Captain Converse surprised some of them, and brought them in by force, and having reason to believe the Indians provoked by this time, immediately added 35 men to his force. These, says Mather, were not come half an hour to Storer's house, on the 9th of June, 1691, nor had they got their Indian weed fairly lighted, into their mouths, before fierce Morus, with 200 Indians, made an attack upon the garrison," but were repulsed and soon drew off. Madokawando was not here in person, but when he knew of the disaster of his chief captain, he said, "My brother Moxus has missed it now, but I will go myself the next year, and have the dog Converse out of his hole." 66 The old chief was as good as his word, and appeared before the garrison 22 June, 1692. He was joined by Portneuf and Labrocre, two French officers, with a body of their soldiers, and their united strength was estimated at about 500 men. They were so confident of success, that they agreed before the attack, how the prisoners and property should be divided. Converse had but 15 men, but fortunately there arrived two sloops with about as many more, and supplies, the day before the battle. Madokawando's men had unwisely given notice of their approach, by firing upon some cattle they met in the woods, which running in wounded, gave the inhabitants time to fly to the garrison. The Indians were not only seconded by the two French officers and a company of their men, as before observed, but Moxus, Egeremet and Worombo were also among them. They began the attack before day, with great fierceness, but after continuing it for some time without success, they fell upon the vessels in the river; and here, although the river was not above twenty or thirty feet broad, yet they met with no better success than at the garrison. They tried many stratagems, and succeeded in setting fire to the sloops several times, by means of fire arrows, but it was extinguished without great damage. Tired of thus exposing themselves and throwing away their ammunition, they returned again to the garrison, resolving to practise a stratagem upon that, and thus ended the first day of the attack. They tried to persuade the English to surrender, but finding they could not prevail, made several desperate charges, in which they lost many. Beginning now to grow discouraged, they sent a flag to the garrison to effect a capitulation, but Converse, being a man of great resolution, replied, "that he wanted nothing but men to come and fight him." To which the bearer of the flag said, "Being you are so stout, why don't you come and fight in the open field like a man, and not fight in a garrison like a squaw?" This attempt proving ineffectual also, they cast out many threats, one of which was, "We will cut you as small as tobbaco, before to-morrow morning." The captain ordered them "to come on, for he wanted work." Having nearly spent their ammunition, and General Labrocre being slain, they retired in the night, after two days' siege, leaving several of their dead behind; ; among whom was the general just named, who was shot through the head. They took one Englishman, named John Diamond, who had ven |