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"I heartily bid you welcome. I am still agreeably moved by the numerous grateful addresses which have been sent to me by the Diets. These manifestations of loyalty and patriotism give me the assurance that I may confide in you, the messengers of those assemblies, and that you, by good faith, justice, and energy, will bring about a salutary understanding between all parties-a hopeful future.

"I have the conviction that liberal institutions, with the conscientious introduction and maintenance of the principles of the equal rights of all the nationalities of all my Empire; of the equality of all my subjects in the eye of the law; and of the participation of the representatives of the people in the legislation, will lead to a salutary transformation' of the whole monarchy. "These principles will, with the help of God, be carried out in the sense of the diploma of the 20th of October, 1860, and of the fundamental laws of the 26th of February, 1861. With this object in view I have based the formation of the Empire on self-government in the provinces,

combined with that degree of unity which is necessary to the fluence of the Empire. I have maintenance of the political insanctioned the employment of tried constitutional forms and the co-operation of the representative bodies in matters of legislation.

"In accordance with the principles of an open and liberal policy, I will perform this work in all parts of my Empire, with due consideration for the past history of the several kingdoms and countries, and with equal love and care for each of the numerous nationalities which for centuries have been united under the sceptre of my House. The Diets have been constitutionally composed in all the provinces, and have already met. The representation of the provinces has ceased to be a problem; it is a fact. The fact will obtain confirmation by the annual meeting of the Diets; for the best, the surest guarantee for the word, is the deed.'

"Thus the provinces will address me by means of their representatives. In consequence of this direct communication I shall know what they consider beneficial for them, and it will be possible to establish institutions and frame laws in accordance with the necessities and wishes of the different peoples. In this present year the business of the Diets cannot be finished until a later period. The urgent necessity for the performance of duties which, being of a general nature, are within the sphere of action of the Reichsrath made the prorogation of the Diets requisite.

"We must not attempt to con

ceal from ourselves that the tasks which we have to perform are difficult; but we must endeavour to prove to the world that the political, national, and confessional differences which now meet and cross each other in the Austrian Empire, may, by the exercise of mutual moderation and by the propitiation, be reconciled.

"A State, the Government of which considers itself bound to protect all the nationalities and to improve their relations to each other allows sufficient space for free development, and at the same time gives the surest guarantee for the independence and power of the Empire, a power which must give satisfaction at home, because it is based on liberty, and can cause no apprehension abroad, because it from its very nature must wish to avoid that passionate excitement which arises from aggressive

wars.

"In my manifesto of the 20th of October, 1860, I have declared that I, having full confidence in the matured discernment and patriotic zeal of my peoples, do intrust to them the development and improvement of the new and of the revived institutions. I feel convinced that you will display energy combined with self-command and tolerance, and if you should do so you will at the end of the session not only find your position strengthened, but will be honoured by the thanks of your Sovereign and of the country. You will also gain the sympathy of all those persons who believe the establishment of a constitutional state of things to be a new guarantee for

the well-being and strength of the fatherland.

66

I may also expect that the question relative to the representation of my kingdoms of Hungary, Croatia, and Slavonia, and of the Grand Principality of Transylvania, will be happily settled, in accordance with my autograph letter of the 26th of February, 1860. In this matter I have confidence in the justice of the cause, and also in the perspicacity of my peoples. As soon as they have acquired insight into the true state of affairs they will feel the necessity for the arrangements which have been made, and will acknowledge their advantages. As has been their wont, they will be faithful to their lawful Sovereign, and I shall have the satisfaction of seeing the representation of the whole monarchy assembled around my throne.

"I cherish a hope that we shall enjoy the blessings of peace without interruption. Europe feels that she requires peace, in order that she may rest after the excitement of the last few years, recover her equilibrium, and direct her attention to internal improvements. This feeling is so general that the Powers are bound in duty not to imperil the valuable boon of peace. Austria recognizes the solidarity' of this duty, and she is convinced that it is shared by other Powers. We may, therefore, direct Our attention to operations, the object and end of which is the introduction of a new era of prosperity, by means of increased activity in the province of intellectual and material interests, and by giving new life

to agriculture, industry, and

commerce.

"The periods of history during which nations are able to advance in beaten paths are every now and then interrupted by decisive crises. It has not been our fortune to reign in unruffled times. The task imposed upon us by the will of Providence is to bring the Empire safely through a most serious crisis. Such a task cannot be performed without exertion and perseverance, without sacrifice of property and life-but performed

it must be.

"You, gentlemen, I feel assured, will support me with that fidelity and self-devotion which all the nationalities in the Empire have never failed to display in perilous times. In their recent addresses to me my faithful peoples have, in powerful language, given expression to the thought that the bond of Union between the different parts of my empire must be upheld.

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I consider it to be my duty to my peoples to declare the General Constitution, in accordance with the Diploma of the 20th of October, 1860, and with the fundamental laws of the 26th of February, 1861, to be the inviolable foundation of my united and indivisible empire, and I on this solemn occasion swear faithfully to observe it, and to protect it with my sovereign power [this and the following passage were read with great emphasis], and I am firmly resolved energetically to oppose any violation of the same, as I shall consider it an attack on the existence of the monarchy and on the rights of all my countries and peoples.

"As we shall not fail to cooperate and to exert ourselves to the utmost, may God give His blessing on our beginning and end, and may He take the crown, the empire, my peoples, and their representatives under His Almighty protection."

In the address presented by the Upper House of the Reichsrath, in answer to the Speech from the Throne, that body warmly thanked the Emperor for the institutions granted to the country, and said: "The Herrenhaus is most grateful to your Majesty for the constitutional position given to it, and also for the happy blending of the dignitaries of the Church and the high nobility with the representatives of science and art."

Alluding to the absence of representatives from Hungary and the Slavonic districts, they said:

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With a feeling of pain we see that Hungary, Croatia, Sclavonia, and Transylvania are not repre sented in the Reichsrath, but we hope that the question relative to the representation will be settled in the sense of your Majesty's autograph letter of the 26th of February. We cannot fully appreciate the institutions granted by your Majesty, unless our brethren in those countries partake of them. When the representatives of the above-mentioned countries attend to the benevolent call of their lawful Sovereign, the work now begun will be brought to a happy conclusion."

During the sitting of the Hungarian Diet on the 13th of May, a long speech was made by M. Deak, which is worth noticing as containing the substance of a

case of grievance which Hungary alleges she has against Austria, and which, unless brought to some satisfactory adjustment, will be a chronic source of danger to the empire. The relations between the two countries have long been such that insurrection on the part of Hungary is at any moment a probable event. M. Deak, it must be remembered, is the leader of the moderate Hungarian party, and, on that account, his statements and opinions are entitled to greater weight. He said: "In former times the disputes between the Sovereign and the Hungarian nation arose from the two parties giving different interpretations to laws the validity of which was recognized by both. At present the Austrian Government is trying to force Hungary to accept a Constitution as a boon, in lieu of those fundamental laws to which she is so warmly attached. On the side of Hungary are right and justice; on the other side is physical force. Such being the state of things, both firmness and circumspection are necessary. Should the Hungarian Diet yield in matters of vital importance it would be guilty of treason to the nation; should it run unnecessary risks it would be equally culpable. What form must the first address of the Hungarian Diet have, and what must it contain? There are three questions to be replied to. The first is, What shall the Diet say?' The second, To whom shall it say what is to be said?' The third, In what form shall the result of its deliberations be made known?' I move that we reply as follows to the first question:- During the last 12 years we have suffered

a

grievous wrongs. The Constitution which we inherited from our forefathers was taken from us; we were governed absolutely, and patriotism was considered crime. Suddenly His Majesty resolved to enter the path of Constitutionalism,' and the diploma of the 20th of October, 1860, appeared. That document encroached on our Constitutional independence, inasmuch as it transferred to a foreign Assembly (the Reichsrath) the right to grant the supplies of money and men, and made the Hungarian Government dependent on the Austrian, which is not responsible for its acts. If Hungary accepted the diploma of the 20th of October she would cease to be herself; she, to all intents and purposes, would be an Austrian province. The present policy of the Austrian Government is a direct violation of the Pragmatic Sanction-the fundamental treaty which the Hungarian nation, in 1723, concluded with the reigning family. [Here M. Deak quoted documents to prove that the Hungarian nation gave to the female line of the Hapsburghs the right to reign in Hungary, on condition that the future Sovereigns of that line should govern according to the existing laws of the country, or according to the laws which might in future be made.] The Emperor Joseph II, who was never crowned in Hungary, governed the kingdom absolutely; but its inhabitants never recognized him as their lawful Sovereign. Maria Theresa was the first King' who in virtue of the Pragmatic Sanction ascended the throne of Hungary, and she faithfully fulfilled all the conditions of that bilateral

treaty. Leopold II., the second Hungarian King, who ascended the throne on the death of Joseph II. (who reigned without being crowned), signed an inaugural diploma, took the usual coronation oath, and, besides, sanctioned the 10th Article of the laws of 1790, which guarantees to Hungary all her constitutional rights and privileges. Francis I., in his inaugural diploma, guaranteed the maintenance of the rights, liberties, and laws of the nation, and in the 33rd year of his reign (1825) he solemnly recognized the validity of the above-mentioned 10th article of the laws of 1790. King Ferdinand V. (the ex-Emperor Ferdinand I. of Austria) gave similar guarantees in his inaugural diploma, and besides sanctioned the laws of 1848. By the Prag. matic Sanction Hungary and Austria are united in the 'person' of the Sovereign, but there is no trace in any of our laws of a 'real' union between the two countries. The male line of the Hapsburghs was extinct in 1740 (Charles III. died in that year), and Hungary would have been at liberty to elect her own king had not the Pragmatic Sanction been concluded in 1723. Hungary is not a member of the German Diet, because she has never been an integral part of the Austrian empire. We must, therefore, so

*We subjoin translations of the two fundamental laws on which the claim of the Hungarians to independent self-government, under the Emperor of Austria as King of Hungary, is chiefly based "Third Law of the Diet which sat in the years 1722 and 1723, by means of which the rights, prerogatives, and immunities of the Estates of the kingdom

lemnly declare that we insist on the restoration of our constitutional independence and selfgovernment, which we consider the fundamental principles of our national existence. We can on no account allow the right to vote the supplies of money and men to be taken from us. We will not make laws for other countries, and will share our right to legislate for Hungary with no one but the King. We will neither send deputies to the present Reichsrath, nor take any

of Hungary, and of the countries connected with the same, are confirmed: "His Imperial Royal Majesty (Charles VI.) hereby graciously confirms all constitutional and other rights, liberties, privigated laws, and recognized customs, and leges, immunities, prerogatives, promulhe will observe the same.

"In like manner will the successors of

His Majesty, who are to be lawfully crowned Kings of Hungary, and of the

countries united to the same, maintain inviolate the said privileges, immunities, and laws."

"Tenth Law of the Diet which sat in the years 1790 and 1791, relative to the independence of the kingdom of Hungary, and of the countries connected with the same:

"In accordance with the most humble

proposition of the Estates of the kingdom, His sacred Majesty (Leopold II.) has been although, as a consequence of the law pleased graciously to acknowledge that respecting the succession of the female line of the illustrious House of Austria, the Prince who reigns in the other hereditary provinces and States in and out of Germany shall also reign in Hungary, 'Hungary, with the countries connected with the same, is a free land, and in respect to the whole of its lawful administration, including all the " Dicasterien," or Courts, independent; that is, it is subject to no other State or people, but possesses its own Constitution and administration, and consequently must be governed and managed by its lawful crowned king, according to its own laws and customs, and not as is customary in the other provinces.'"

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