not excluded from the institution, yet the love of esteem is considered as a still more powerful principle That fear is not the only motive which operates in produ being often exercised in the presence of strangers who are merely passing through the house; and which, I presume, can only be accounted for from that desire of esteem which has been stated to be a powerful motive to conduct.

and told him the circumstances on which his treatment would depend; that it was his anxious wish to make every inhabitant in the house as comfortable as possible; and that he sincerely hoped the patient's conduct would render it unneces-cing self-restraint in the minds of maniacs, is evident from its sary to have recourse to coercion. The maniac was sensible of the kindness of his treatment. He promised to restrain himself; and he so completely succeeded, that, during his stay, no coercive means were ever employed towards him. This case affords a striking example of the efficacy of mild treatment. The patient was frequently very vociferous, and threatened his attendants, who, in their defence, were very desirous of restraining him by the jacket. The superintendent on these occasions went to his apartment: and though the first sight of him seemed rather to increase the patient's irritation, yet, after sitting some time quietly beside him, the violent excitement subsided, and he would listen with attention to the persuasions and arguments of his friendly visitor. After such conversations the patient was generally better for some days or a week; and in about four months he was discharged, perfectly recovered.

It is, probably, from encouraging the action of this principle, that so much advantage has been found in this institution, from treating the patient as much in the manner of a rational being as the state of his mind will possibly allow. The superintendent is particularly attentive to this point in his conversation with the patients. He introduces such topics as he knows, will most interest them; and which at the same time allows them to display their knowledge to the greatest advan tage. If the patient is an agriculturist, he asks him questions relative to his art; and frequently consults him upon any occasion in which his knowledge may be useful. I have heard one of the worst patients in the house, who, previously to hit indisposition, had been a considerable grazier, give very sensible directions for the treatment of a diseased cow.

These considerations are undoubtedly very material, as they regard the comfort of insane persons; but they are of far greater importance as they relate to the cure of the disorder. The patient, feeling himself of some consequence, is induced to support it by the exertion of his reason, and by restraining those dispositions which, if indulged, would lessen the respectful treatment he receives, or lower his character in the eyes of his companions and attendants.

"They who are unacquainted with the character of insane persons are very apt to converse with them in a childish, or, which is worse, in a domineering manner; and hence it has been frequently remarked by the patients at the Retreat, that a stranger who has visited them seemed to imagine they were children.

The natural tendency of such treatment is to degrade the mind of the patient, and to make him indifferent to those moral feelings which, under judicious direction and encouragement, are found capable, in no small degree, to strengthen the power of self-restraint, and which render the resort to coercion in many cases unnecessary. Even when it is absolutely requisite to employ coercion, if the patient promises to control himself on its removal, great confidence is generally placed upon his word. I have known patients, such is their sense of honour and moral obligation under this kind of engagement, hold for a long time a successful struggle with the violent propensities of their disorder; and such attempts ought to be sedulously encouraged by the attendant.

Among other faults with which our government is chargeable, the vice of impertinence has lately crept into our cabinet; and the Americans have been treated with ridicule and contempt. But they are becoming a little too powerful, we take it, for this cavalier sort of management; and are increasing with a rapidity which is really no matter of jocularity to us, or the other powers of the Old World. In 1791, Baltimore contained 13,000 inhabitants; in 1810, 46,000; in 1817, 60,000. In 1790, it possessed 13,000 tons of shipping; in 1798, 59,000; in 1805, 72,000; in 1810, 103,444. The progress of Philadelphia is as follows:

have upon such occasions. What other influence can the leading characters of the democratic party in Congress possibly possess? Bribery is entirely out of the question-equally so is the influence of family and fortune. What then can they do, with their caucus, or without it, but recommend? And what charge is it against the American government to say that those members of whom the people have the highest opinion meet together to consult whom they shall recommend for president, and that their recommendation is suc cessful in their different states? Could any friend to good order wish other means to be employed, or other results to follow? No statesman can wish to exclude influence, but only bad influence;-not the influence 600 of sense and character, but the influence of money and 15,000 punch.

Inhabitants.

5,000

'Now it is computed there are at least 120,000 inhabitants in the city and suburbs, of which 10,000 are free coloured people.'-Palmer, p. 254, 255.

20,000 A very disgusting feature in the character of the
30,000 present English government is its extreme timidity
40,000 and the cruelty and violence to which its timidity
42,000 gives birth. Some hotheaded young person, in de
90,000 fending the principles of liberty, and attacking those
100,000
abuses to which all governments are liable, passes the
have passed them by those whose interest it is to think
bounds of reason and moderation, or is thought to
80. What matters it whether he has or not? You
are strong enough to let him alone. With such insti
tutions as ours he can do no mischief; perhaps he
may owe his celebrity to your opposition; or, if he
must be opposed, write against him,-set Candidus,
Scrutator, Vindex, or any of the conductitious pen.
men of government to write him down;-any thing
but the savage spectacle of a poor wretch, perhaps a
very honest man, contending in vain against the
weight of an immense government, pursued by a zea-
lous attorney, and sentenced, by some candidate, per-
haps, for the favour of the crown, to the long miseries
of the dungeon.*

The population of New York (the city), in 1805, was 60,000; it is now 120,000. Their shipping, at present, amounts to 300,000 tons. The population of the state of New York was, at the accession of his present majesty, 97,000, and is now nearly 1,000,000. Kentucky, first settled in 1773, had, in 1792, a population of 100,000; and in 1810, 406,000. Morse reckons the whole population of the western territory, in 1790, at 6,000; in 1810 it was near half a million; and will probably exceed a million in 1820. These, and a thousand other equally strong proofs of their increasing strength, tend to extinguish pleasantry and provoke thought.

We were surprised and pleased to find from these accounts that the Americans on the Red River and the Arkansas River have begun to make sugar and wine. Their importation of wool into this country is becoming also an object of some consequence; and they have inexhaustible supplies of salt and coal. But one of the great sources of wealth in America is and will be an astonishing command of inland navigation. The Mississippi, flowing from the north to the Gulf of Mexico, through seventeen degrees of latitude; the Ohio and the Alleghany almost connecting it with the Northern Lakes; the Wabash, the Illinois, the Missouri, the Arkansas, the Red River, flowing from the confines of New Mexico;-these rivers, all navigable, and most of them already frequented by steam-boats, constitute a facility of internal communication not, we believe, to be paralleled in the whole world.

A still more flagrant instance may be found in our late suspensions of the habeas corpus act. Nothing was trusted to the voluntary activity of a brave people, thoroughly attached to their government-nothing to the good sense and prudence of the gentlemen and yeomen of the country-nothing to a little forbear ance, patience, and watchfulness. There was no other security but despotism; nothing but the alienation of that right which no king nor minister can love, and which no human beings but the English have had the valour to win, and the prudence to keep. The contrast between our government and that of the Americans, upon the subject of suspending the habeas corpus, is drawn in so very able a manner by Mr. Hall, that we must give the passage at large.

'It has ever been the policy of the federalists to“ strengthen the hands of government." No measure can be imagined more effectual for this purpose, than a law which gifts the ru

ling po vers with infallibility; but no sooner was it enacted,

than it revealed its hostility to the principles of the American system, by generating oppression under the cloak of defending social order.

If there ever was a period when circumstances seemed to justify what are called energetic measures, it was during the administrations of Mr. Jefferson and his successor. A disas

One of the great advantages of the American gov ernment is its cheapness. The American king has about £5000 per annum, the vice-king £1000. They hire their Lord Liverpool at about a thousand per annum, and their Lord Sidmouth (a good bargain) at the same sum. Their Mr. Crokers are inexpressibly reasonable, somewhere about the price of an English door-keeper, or bearer of mace. Life, however, * A great deal is said about the independence and integrity seems to go on very well, in spite of these low salaries; and the purposes of government to be very fairly strictly independent and upright: but they have strong tempof English judges. In causes between individuals they are answered. Whatever may be the evils of universaltations to be otherwise, in cases where the crown prosecutes suffrage in other countries, they have not yet been felt in America; and one thing at least is established by her experience, that this institution is not necessarily followed by those tumults, the dread of which excites so much apprehension in this country. In the most democratic states, where the payment of direct taxes is the only qualification of a voter, the elections are carried on with the utmost tranquillity; and the whole business, by taking votes in each parish or section, concluded all over the state in a single day. A great deal is said by Fearon about Caucus, the cant word of the Americans for the committees and party meetings in which the business of elections is prepared-the influence of which he seems to consider as prejudicial. To us, however, it appears to be nothing more than the natural, fair, and unavoidable influence which talent, popularity, and activity always must

for libel. Such cases often involve questions of party, and are viewed with great passion and agitation by the minister and his friends. Judges have often favours to ask for their friends and families, and dignities to aspire to for themselves. It is human nature, that such powerful motives should create a great bias against the prisoner. Suppose the chief justice of any court to be in an infirm state of health, and a government libel-cause to be tried by one of the puisne judges,-of what immense importance is it to that man to be called a strong friend to government-how injurious to his natural and fair hopes to be called lukewarm, or addicted to popular netions and how easily the runners of the government would attach such a character to him! The useful inference from instead of being influenced by the cant phrases about the inthese observations is, that, in all government cases, the jury, tegrity of English judges, should suspect the operation of such motives-watch the judge with the most accurate jealousyand compel him to be honest, by throwing themselves into the opposite scale whenever he is inclined to be otherwise.

The dress of lawyers, is, however, at all events, of less importance than their charges. Law is cheap in America in England, it is better, in a mere pecuni

tend for it in a court of common law. It costs that sum in England to win a cause; and, in the court of equity, it is better to abandon five hundred or a thousand pounds than to contend for it. We mean to say nothing disrespectful of the chancellor-who is an upright judge, a very great lawyer, and zealous to do

trous war began to rage, not only on the frontiers, but in the very penetralia of the republic. To oppose veteran troops, the ablest generals, and the largest fleets in the world, the American government had raw recruits, officers who had never seen an enemy, half a dozen frigates, and a populationary point of view, to give up forty pounds than to conunaccustomed to sacrifices, and impatient of taxation. To crown these disadvantages, a most important section of the Union, the New England states, openly set up the standard of separation and rebellion. A convention sat for the express purpose of thwarting the measures of government; while the press and pulpit thundered every species of denunciation against whoever should assist their own country in the hour of danger. And this was the work, not of jacobins and de-all he can; but we believe the Court of Chancery to mocrats, but of the staunch friends of religion and social order, who had been so zealously attached to the government, while it was administered by their own party, that they suffered not the popular breath "to visit the president's breech too roughly." The course pursued, both by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madi

son throughout this season of difficulty, merits the gratitude of their country, and the imitation of all governments pretending

to be free.

be in a state which imperiously requires legislative correction. We do not accuse it of any malversation, but of a complication, formality, entanglement, and delay, which the life, the wealth, and the patience of man cannot endure. How such a subject comes not to have been taken up in the House of Commons, we are wholly at a loss to conceive. We feel for climbing boys as much as anybody can do; but what is a So far were they from demanding any extraordinary pow-climbing boy in a chimney to a full-grown suitor in a ers from Congress, that they did not even enforce, to their full Master's office? And whence comes it, in the midst extent, those with which they were by the constitution invest-of ten thousand compassions and charities, that no ed. The process of reasoning, on which they probably acted, Wilberforce, or Sister Fry, has started up for the suimay be thus stated. The majority of the nation is with us, because the war is national. The interests of a minority suffer;flicted and attorney-worn people, are there united in tors in Chancery?* and why, in the name of these afand self-interest is clamorous when injured. It carries its opposition to an extreme inconsistent with its political duty. Shall we leave it in an undisturbed career of faction, or seek to put it down with libel and sedition laws? In the first case it will grow bold from impunity; its proceedings will be more and more outrageous: but every step it takes to thwart us will be a step in favour of the enemy, and, consequently, so much ground lost in public opinion. But, as public opinion is the only instrument by which a minority can convert a majority to its views, impunity, by revealing its motives, affords the surest chance of defeating its intent. In the latter case, we quit the ground of reason to take that of force; we give the factious the advantage of seeming persecuted; by repressing intemperate discussion, we confess ourselves liable to be injured by it. If we seek to shield our reputation by a libel-law, we acknowledge, either that our conduct will not bear investigation, or that the people are incapable of distinguishing betwixt truth and falehood: but for a popular government to impeach the sanctity of the nation's judgment is to overthrow the pillars of its own elevation.

The event triumphantly proved the correctness of this reasoning. The federalists awoke from the delirium of factious intoxication, and found themselves covered with contempt and shame. Their country had been in danger, and they gloried in her distress. She had exposed herself to privations from which they had extracted profit. In her triumphs they had no part, except that of having mourned over and depreciated them. Since the war federalism has been scarcely heard of.'Hall, 508-511.

The Americans, we believe, are the first persons who have discarded the tailor in the administration of justice, and his auxiliary the barber-two persons of endless importance in codes and pandects of Europe. A judge administers justice, without a calorific wig and parti-coloured gown, in a coat and pantaloons. He is obeyed, however; and life and property are not badly protected in the United States. We shall be denounced by the laureate as atheists and jacobins ; but we must say, that we have doubts whether one atom of useful influence is added to men in important situations by any colour, quantity, or configuration of cloth and hair. The true progress of refinement, we conceive, is to discard all the mountebank drapery of barbarous ages. One row of gold and fur falls off after another from the robe of power, and is picked up and worn by the parish beadle and the exhibiter of wild beasts. Meantime, the afflicted wiseacre mourns over equality of garment; and wotteth not of two men, whose doublets have cost alike, how one shall command and the other obey.

*In Boston, associations were entered into for the purpose of preventing the filling up of government loans. Individuals disposed to subscribe were obliged to do it in secret, and conceal their names, as if the action had been dishonest.'Vide Olive Branch,' p. 307. At the same time, immense runs were made by the Boston banks on those of the Central and Southern states; while the specie thus drained was transmitted to Canada, in payment for smuggled goods and British goverament bills, which were drawn in Quebec, and disposed of in great numbers, on advantageous terms, to monied men in the states. Mr. Henry's mission is the best proof of the result anticipated by our government from these proceedings in New England.

their judge three or four offices, any one of which is sufficient to occupy the whole time of a very able and active man?

There are no very prominent men at present in America; at least none whose fame is strong enough for exportation. Monroe is a man of plain, unaffected good sense. Jefferson, we believe, is still alive; and has always been more remarkable, perhaps, for the early share he took in the formation of the republic, than from any very predominant superiority of understanding. Mr. Hall made him a visit :

I slept at midnight at Monticello, and left it in the morning with such a feeling as the traveller quits the mouldering remains of a Grecian temple, or the pilgrim a fountain in the desert. It would indeed argue great torpor both of understanding and heart, to have looked without veneration and interest on the man who drew up the declaration of American independence; who shared in the councils by which her freedom was established; whom the unbought voice of his fellow-citizens called to the exercise of a dignity from which his own moderation impelled him, when such example was most salutary, to withdraw; and who, while he dedicates the evening of his glorious days to the pursuits of science and literature, shuns none of the humbler duties of private life; but, having filled a seat higher than that of kings, succeeds with greater dignity to that of the good neighbour, and becomes the friendly adviser, lawyer, physician, and even gardener of his vicinity. This is the still small voice" of philosophy, deeper and holier than the lightnings and earthquakes which have preceded it. What monarch would venture thus to exhibit himself in the nakedness of his humanity? On what royal brow would the laurel replace the diadem ?'-Hall, 384, 385.

Mr. Fearon dined with another of the Ex-Kings, Mr. Adams.

The ex-president is a handsome old gentleman of eightyfour;-his lady is seventy-six-she has the reputation of superior talents, and great literary acquirements. I was not perfectly a stranger here; as, a few days previous to to this, I had received the honour of an hospitable reception at their mansion. Upon the present occasion the minister table of a "late King" may amuse some of you, take the (the day being Sunday) was of the dinner party. As the following particulars:-first course, a pudding made of Indian corn, molasses, and butter;-second, veal, bacon, neck of mutton, potatoes, cabbages, carrots, and Indian beans; Madeira wine, of which each drank two glasses. We sat down to dinner at one o'clock; at two, nearly all went a second time to church. For tea, we had poundcake, sweet bread and butter, and bread made of Indian corn any rye (similar to our brown home-made.) Tea was brought from the kitchen, and handed round by a neat,

*This is still one of the great uncorrected evils of the country. Nothing can be so utterly absurd as to leave the head of the Court of Chancery a political officer, and to subject forty millions of litigated property to all the delays and interruptions which are occasioned by his present multiplicity of offices. (1839.)-The Chancellor is Speaker of the House of Lords; he might as well be made Archbishop of Canterbury; it is one of the greatest of existing follies.

white servant girl. The topics of conversation were vari- The four travellers, of whose works we are giving ous.-England, America, religion, politics, literature, scian account, made extensive tours in every part of ence, Dr. Priestley, Miss Edgeworth, Mrs. Siddons, Mr. America, as well in the old as in the new settlements; Kean, France, Shakspeare, Moore, Lord Byron, Cobbett, American revolution, the traitor General Arnold. and, generally speaking, we should say their testimoThe establishment of this political patriarch consists of any is in favour of American manners. We must exhouse two stories high, containing, I believe, eight rooms; cept, perhaps, Mr. Fearon-and yet he seems to have of two men and three maid servants; three horses, and a very little to say against them. Mr. Palmer tells us plain carriage. How great is the contrast between this that he found his companions, officers and farmers, individual-a man of knowledge and information-without unobtrusive, civil, and obliging; that what the servants pomp, parade, or vicious and expensive establishments, as compared with the costly trappings, the depraved charac- d'hote ladies are treated with great politeness. We do for you, they do with alacrity; that at their tables ters, and the profligate expenditure of house, and ---? What a lesson in this does America teach! There have real pleasure in making the following extract are now in this land, no less than three Cincinnati - from Mr. Bradbury's tour. Fearon, 111-113.

The travellers agree, we think, in complaining of the insubordination of American children-and do not much like American ladies. In their criticisms upon American gasconade, they forget that vulgar people of all countries are full of gasconade. The Americans love titles. The following extract from the Boston Sentinel, of last August (1817,) is quoted by Mr. Fearon.

"Dinner to Mr. Adams.-Yesterday a public dinner was given to the Hon. John Q. Adains. in the Exchange Coffeehouse, by his fellow-citizens of Boston. The Hon. Wm. Gray presided, assisted by the Hon. Harrison Gray Otis, George Blake, Esq., and the Hon. Jonathan Mason, vicepresidents. Of the guests were, the Hon. Mr. Adams, late president of the United States, his Excellency Governor Brooks, his Honor Lt. Gov. Phillips, Chief Justice Parker, Judge Story, President Kirkland, Gen. Dearborn, Com. Hull, Gen. Miller, several of the reverend clergy, and many more public officers, and strangers of eminence." They all, in common with Mr. Birkbeck, seem to be struck with the indolence of the American character. Mr. Fearon makes the charge; and gives us below the right explanation of its cause.

The life of boarders at an American tavern, presents the most senseless and comfortless mode of killing time which I have ever seen. Every house of this description that I have been in, is thronged to excess; and there is not a man who appears to have a single earthly object in view, except spitting, and smoking segars. I have not seen a book in the nands of any person since I left Philadelphia. Objectionable as these habits are, they afford decided evidence of the prosperity of that country, which can admit so large a body of its citizens to waste in indolence three-fourths of their lives, and would also appear to hold out encouragement to Englishmen with English habits, who could retain their industry amid a nation of indolence, and have sufficient firmness to live in America, and yet bid defiance to the deadly example of its natives.'-Fearon, p. 252, 253.

Yet this charge can hardly apply to the northeastern parts of the Union.

The following sample of American vulgarity is not unentertaining.

In regard to the manners of the people west of the Alleghanies, it would be absurd to expect that a general character could be now formed, or that it will be for many years to come. nations, not yet amalgamated, consisting of emigrants from The population is at present compounded of a great number of every State in the Union, mixed with English, Irish, Scotch. Dutch, Swiss, Germans, French, and almost from every country in Europe. In some traits they partake in common with the inhabitants of the Atlantic States, which results from the nature of their government. That species of hauteur which one class of society in some countries shows in their inter course with the other, is here utterly unknown. By their constitution, the existence of a privileged order, vested by birth with hereditary privileges, honours, or emoluments, is forever interdicted. If therefore, we should here expect to find that contemptuous feeling in man for man, we should naturally examine amongst those clothed with judicial or military authority; but we should search in vain. The justice on the bench, or the officer in the field, is respected and obeyed whilst discharging the functions of his office, as the representa tive or agent of the law, enacted for the good of all; but should he be tempted to treat even the least wealthy of his neigh bours or fellow citizens with contumely, he would soon find that he could not do it with impunity. Travellers from Eu rope, in passing through the western country, or indeed any part of the United States, ought to be previously acquainted with this part of the American character, and more particularly if they have been in the habit of treating with contempt, or irritating with abuse, those whom accidental circumstances may have placed in a situation to administer to their wants Let no one here indulge himself in abusing the waiter or ostler at an inn; that waiter or ostler is probably a citizen, and does not, nor cannot conceive, that a situation in which he discharges a duty to society, not in itself dishonourable, should subject him to insult: but this feeling, so far as I have experienced, is entirely defensive. I have travelled near 10,000 miles in the United States, and never met with the least incivility or affront.

"The Americans, in general, are accused by travellers, of being inquisitive. If this be a crime, the western people are guilty; but, for my part, I must say that it is a practice that I never was disposed to complain of, because I always found them as ready to answer a question, as to ask one, and therefore I always came off a gainer.. this kind of barter; and if any traveller does not, it is his own fault. As this leads me to notice their general conduct to strangers, I feel myself bound, by gratitude and regard to truth, to speak of their hospitality. In my travels through the inhabited parts of the United States, not less than 2000 miles was through parts where there were no taverns, and where a traveller is under the necessity of appealing to the hospitality of the inhabitants. In no one instance has my appeal been fruitless; although in many cases, the furnishing of a bed has been evidently attended with inconvenience, and in a great many instances no remuneration would be received. Other European travellers have experienced this liberal spirit of hospitality, and some have repaid it by ca

'On arriving at the tavern door the landlord makes his appearance.-Landlord. Your servant, gentlemen, this is a fine day. Answer. Very fiue.-Land. You've got two nice creatures, they are right elegant matches. Ans. Yes, we bought them for matches. Land. They cost a heap of dollars, (a pause, and knowing look); 200 I calculate. Ans. Yes, they cost a good sum.-Land. Possible! (a pause); going westward to Ohio, gentlemen? Ans. We are going to Philadelphia.-lumny.'-Bradbury p. 304-306. Land. Philadelphia, ah! that's a dreadful large place, three or four times as big as Lexington. Ans. Ten times as large. Land. Is it by George! what a mighty heap of houses, (a pause); but I reckon you was not reared in Philadelphia. Ans. Philadelphia is not our native place.-Land. Perhaps away up in Canada. Ans. No; we are from England. Land. Is it possible! well, I calculated you were from abroad, (pause); how long have you been from the old country? Ans. We left England last March.-Land. And in August here you are in Kentuck. Well, I should have guessed you had been in the State some years; you speak almost as good English as

we do!

"This dialogue is not a literal copy; but it embraces most of the frequent and improper applications of words used in the back country, with a few New England phrases. By the loghouse farmer and tavern keeper they are used as often, and as erroneously as they occur in the above discourse.'-Palmer, p. 129, 130.

This is of course intended as a representation of the manners of the low, or at best, the middling class of people in America.

We think it of so much importance to do justice to other nations, and to lessen that hatred and contempt which race feels for race, that we subjoin two short passages from Mr. Hall to the same effect.

'I had bills on Philadelphia, and applied to a respectable store-keeper, that is tradesman, of the village, to cash me one; the amount, however, was beyond any remittance he had occasion to make, but he immediately offered me whatever sum I might require for my journey, with no better security than my word, for its repayinent at Philadelphia: he even insisted on my taking more than I mentioned as sufficient. I do not believe that this trait of liberality would surprise an American; for no one in the States, to whom I mentioned it, seemed to consider it as more than any stranger of respectable appearance might have looked for, in similar circumstances: but it might well surprise an English traveller, who had been told, as I had, that the Americans never failed to cheat and insult every Englishman who travelled through their country, especially if they knew him to be an officer. This latter particular they never failed to inform themselves of, for they are by no