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state of registrations, but we have another scheme of why a man determined to do so should be baffled by registration to which these objections will not apply.' the ballot. When two great parties in the empire are There is really no answering this Paulo post legisla. combating for the supreme power, does Mr. Grote tion. I reason' now upon registration and reform which imagine, that the man of woods, forests, and rivers,are in existence, which I have seen at work for several that they who have the strength of the hills,-are to years. What new improvements are in the womb of be baffled by bumpkins thrusting a little pin into a little time, or (if time has no womb) in the more capacious card in a little box? that England is to be govered by pockets of the followers of Bentham, I know not :-political acupuncturation ? when I see them tried, I will reason upon them. There A landlord who would otherwise be guilty of the is no end to these eternal changes; we have made an oppression will not change his purpose, because you enormous revolution within the last ten years,-let us attempt to outwit him by the invention of the ballot; stop a little and secure it, and prevent it from being he will become, on the contrary, doubly vigilant, inturned into ruin ; I do not say the reform bill is final, quisitive, and severe. I am a professed radical,' said but I want a little time for breathing; and if there are the tenant of a great duke to a friend of mine," and to be any more changes, let them be carried into exe- the duke knows it; but if I vote for his candidates, he cution hereafter by those little legislators who are now lets me talk as I please, live with whom I please, and receiving every day after

dinner a cake or a plumb, in does not care if I dine at a radical dinner every day in hapyy ignorance of Mr. Grote and his ballot. I long the week. If there was a ballot, nothing could per. for the quiet times of Log, when all the English com- suade the duke, or the duke's master, the steward, that mon people are making calico, and all the English I was not deceiving them, and I should lose my farm gentlemen are inaking long and short verses, with no in a week. This is the real history of what would other interruption of their happiness than when false lake place. The single lie on the hustings would not quantities are discovered in one or the other.

suffice; the concealed democrat who voted against his What is to become of petitions if ballot is establish- landlord must talk with the wrong people, subscribe to ed? Are they to be open as they now are, or are the wrong club, huzza at the wrong dínner, break the they to be conducted by ballot? Are the radical shop- wrong head, lead (if he wished to escape the watchful keepers and the radical tenant to be exposed (as they jealousy of his landlord) a long life of lies between say) to all the fury of incensed wealth and power, and every election ; and he must do this, not only eundo, in is that protection to be denied to them in petitions, his calm and prudential state, but redeundo from the which is so loudly demanded in the choice of represen- market, warmed with beer and expanded by alcohol; tatives? Are there to be two distinct methods of as- and he must not only carry on his seven years of discertaining the opinions of the people, and these como simulation before the world, but in the very bosom of pletely opposed to each other?' A member is chosen his family, or he must expose himself to the danger. this week by a large majority of voters who vote in ous garrulity of his wife, children, and servants, from the dark, and the next week, when men vote in the whose indiscretion every kind of evil report would be light of day, some petition is carried totally opposite carried to the ears of the watchful steward. And to all those principles for which the member with in. when once the ballot is established, mere gentle quiet visible votes was returned to Parliament. How, under lying will not do to hide the tenant'who secretly votes such a system, can Parliament ever ascertain what the against his landlord; the quiet passive liar will be sus. wishes of the people really are? The representatives pected, and he will find, it he does not wave his bonnet are radicals, the petitioners eminently conservative ; and strain his throat in furtherance of his bad faith, and the voice is the voice of Jacob, but the hands are the lie loudly, that he has put in a false ball in the dark to hands of Esau.

very little purpose. I consider a long concealment of And if the same protection is adopted for petitions polítical opinion from the landlord to be nearly imposas is given in elections, and if both are conducted by sible for the tenant; and if you conceal from ihe landballot, how is the House of Commons to deal with pe. lord the only proof he can have of his tenant's sincerity, titions? When it is intended particularly that a pe you are taking from the tenant the only means he has tition should attract the attention of the House of of living quietly upon his farm. You are increasing the Commons. some member bears witness to the respec- jealousy and irascibility of the tyrant, and multiplying tability or the futility of the signatures ; and how is it instead of lessening the number of his victims. possible, without some guides of this kind, that the Not only do you not protect the tenant who wishes to House could form any idea of the value and impor- deceive hís landlord, by promising one way and voting tance of the petition ?

another, but you expose all the other tenants who have These observations apply with equal force to the no intention of deceiving, to all the evils of mistake and communications between the representative and the misrepresentation. The steward hates a tenant, and a constituent. It is the radical doctrine that a represen- rival wants his farm : they begin to whisper him out tative is to obey the instructions of his constituents. of favour, and to propagate rumours of his disaffection He has been elected under the ballot by a large ma- to the blue or yellow cause; as matters now stand he jority; an open meeting is called, and he receives in. can refer to the poll-book, and show how he has voted. structions in direct opposition to all those principles Under the ballot his security is gone, and he is expoupon which he has been elected. Is this the real sed, in common with his deceitful neighbour, to that opinion of his constituents ? and if he receives his suspicion from which none can be exempt when all instructions for a ballot meeting, who are his instruc- vote in secret. If ballot then answered the purpose tors? The lowest men in the town, or the wisest and for which it was intended, the number of honest'tenthe best ?-But if ballot is established for elections on- ants wbom it exposed to danger would be as great as ly, and all communications between the constituents the number of deceitful tenants whom it screened. on one side, and Parliament and the representatives But if landlords could be prevented from influencing on the other, are carried on in open meetings, then are their tenants in voting, by threatening them with the there two publics according to the radical doctrines, loss of farms ;-if public opinion were too strong to essentially different from each other; the one acting allow of such threats, what would prevent a landlord under the influence of the rich and powerful, the other from refusing to take as a tenant, a man whose politifree; and if all political petitions are to be carried on cal opinion did not agree with his own? what would by balidt, how is Parliament to know who petitions, or prevent him from questioning long before the election, the member to know who instructs ?

and cross-examining his tenant and demanding certifI have hitherto spoken of ballot, as if it were, as the cates of his behaviour and opinions, till he had, ac radicals suppose it to be, a mean of secrecy; their very cording to all human probability, found a man who cardinal position is, that landlords, after the ballot is felt as strongly as himself upon political subjects, and established, will give up in despair all hopes of com- who would adhere to those opinions with as much manding the votes of their tenants. I scarcely ever firmness and tenacity? What would prevent, for inheard a more foolish and gratuitous assumption. Given stance, an Orange landlord from filling his farms with up? Why should they be given up? I can give many Orange tenants, and from cautiously rejecting every reasons why landlords should never exercise this un- Catholic

tenant who presented himself plough in hand rcasonable power. but I can give so possible reason But if this practice were to obtain generally, of cir

tiously selecting tenants from their political opinion, of vice. In the open voting the law leaves you fairly what would become of the sevenfold shield of the bal. to choose between the dangers of giving an honest, lot? Not only this tenant is not continued in the farm or the convenience of giving a dishonest vote ; but the he already holds, but he finds from the severe inquisi- ballot-law opens à booth and asylum for fraud, calling tion into which men of property are driven by the in. upon all men to lie by beat of drum-forbidding open vention of ballot, that it is extremely difficult for a honesty--promising impunity for the most scandalous man whose principles are opposed to those of his land. deceit—and encouraging men to take no other view of lord, to get any farm at all.

virtue than whether it pays or does not pay; for it The noise and jollity of' a ballot mob must be such must always be remembered and often repeated, and as the very devils wouid look on with delight. A set said and sung to Mr. Grote, that it is to the degraded of deceittul wretches, wearing the wrong colours, liar only that the box will be useful. The man who abusing their friends, pelting the man for whom they performs what he promises needs no box. The man voted, drinking their enemies' punch, knocking down who refuses to do what he is asked to do despises the persons with whom they entirely agreed, and roaring box. The liar, who says he will do what be never out eternal duration to principles they abhorred. A means to do, is the only man to whom the box is usescene of wholesale bacchanalian fraud, a posse comita- tul, and for whom this leaf out of the Punic pandects tus of liars, which would disgust any man with a free is to be inserted in our statute-book; the other vices governinent, and make him sigh for the monocracy of will begin to look up, and to think themselves neg. Constantinoble.

lected, if falsehood obtains such flattering distinction, All the arguments which apply to suspected tenants and is thus defended by the solemn enactments of law. apply to suspecte l shopkeepers. Their condition un. Old John Randolph, the American orator, was asked der the balloi would be infinitely worse than under the one day at a dinner party in London, whether the present system ; the veracious shopkeeper would be ballot prevailed in his state of Virginia I scarcely suspected, perhaps without having his vote to appeal believe,' he said, ' we have such a tool in all Virgi. to for his protection, and the shopkeeper who meant to nia, as to mention even the vote by ballot ; and I do deceive must prop up his fraud, by accommodating his not hesitate to say that the adoption of the ballot whole life to his first deceit, or he would have told a would make any nation a nation of scoundrels, it it did disgraceful falsehood in vain. The political persecu- not find them so.' John Randolph was right; he felt tors would not be baffled by the ballot; customers, that it was not necessary that a people should be false who think they have a right to persecute tradesmen in order to be free ; universal hypocrisy would be the now, would do it then, the only difference would be consequence of ballot: we would soou say on delibera. that more would be persecuted ihen on suspicion, than tion what David only asserted in his haste, that all men are persecuted now from a full knowledge of every are liars. man's vote. Inquisitors would be exasperated by this This exclamation of old Randolph applied to the atteinpt of their victims to become invisible, and the method of popular elections, which I believe has al. search for delinquents would be more sharp and in- ways been by open voice in Virginia ; but the assemcessant.

blies voted, and the judges were chosen by ballot ; A state of things may (to be sure) occur where the and in the year 1830, upon a solemn review of their aristocratie part of the voters may be desirous, by institutions, ballot was entirely abolished in every concealing their votes, of protecting themselves from instance throughout the state, and open voting substi. the fury of the multitude; but precisely the same ob- tuted in its place. jection obtains against ballot, whoever may be the Not only would the tenant under ballot be constantly oppressor or the oppressed. It is no defence; the sin. exposed to the suspicions of the landlord, but the land. gle falsehood at the hustings will not suffice. Hypo. lord would be exposed to the constant suspicions and crisy for seven years is impossible; the multitude will the unjust misrepresentations of the tenant. Every be just as jealous of preserving the power of intimida. tenant who was dismissed for a fair and a just cause, tion, as aristocrats are of preserving the power of pro. would presume he was suspected, would attribute his perty, and will in the same way redouble their vicious dismissal to political motives, and endeavour to make activity from the attempt at destroying their empire himself a martyr with the public; and in this way vio. by ballot.

lent hatred would be by the ballot disseminated among Ballot could not prevent the disfranchisement of a classes of men on whose agreement the order and hapgreat number of voters. The shopkeeper, harassed piness of England depend. by men of both parties, equally consuming the articles All objections to ballot which are important in Eng. in which he dealt, would seek security in not voting at land apply with much greater force to Ireland, a all, and of course, the ballot could not screen the dis- country of intense agitation, fierce passions, and quick obedient tenant whom the landlord requested to stay movements. Then how would the ballot-box of Mr. away from the poll. Mr. Grote has no box for this : Grote harmonize with the confessional-box of Father but a remedy for securing the freedom of election, O'Leary? which has no power to prevent the voter from losing I observe Lord John Russell, and some important the exercise of his franchise altogether, can scarcely men as well as him, saying, 'We hate ballot, but if be considered as a remedy at all. There is a method, these practices continue, we shall be compelled to indeed, hy which this might be remedied, if the great vote for it. What ! vote for it, if ballot is no remedy soul of Mr. Grote will stoop to adopt it. Why are the of these evils ? Vote for it, if ballot produces still acts of concealment to be confined to putting in a ball? greater evils than it cures? That is, (says the physi. Why not vote in domino, taking off the vizor to the cian) if fevers increase in this alarming manner, I returning officer only! or as tenant Jenkins or tenant shall be compelled to make use of soine medicine Hodge might be detected by their stature, why not which will be of no use to fevers, and will at the same poll in sedan chairs with the curtains closely drawn, time bring on diseases of a much more serious nature. choosing the chairman by ballot ?

I shall be under the absolute necessity of putting out What a flood of deceit and villainy comes in with your eyes, because I cannot prevent you from being ballot ! I admit there are great moral faults under lame. In fact, this sort of language is utterly unwor. the present system. It is a serious violation of duty to thy of the sense and courage of Lord John ; he gives vote for A. when you think B. the more worthy repre. hopes where he ought to create absolute despair. This sentative; but the open voter, acting under the influ. is that hovering between two principles which ruins ince of his landlord, commits only this one fault, great political strength by lowering political character, and as it is :-if he vote for his candidate, the landlord is creates a notion that his enemies need not fear such a satisfied, and asks no other sacrifice of truth and opi- man, and that his friends cannot trust him. No opi. nion ; but if the tenant votes against his landlord, nion could be more unjust as applied to Lord John ; under the ballot, he is practising every day some fraud but such an opinion will grow if he begins to value to conceal his first deviation from truth. The present himself more upon his dexterity and finesse, than upon method may produce a vicious act, but the ballot esta- those fine, manly, historico-Russell qualities he most blished a vícious habit; and then it is of some conse- undoubtedly possesses. There are two beautiful words quence that the law should not range itself on the sidel in the English language -yes and no; he must pro

answer.

nounce them boldly and emphatically ; stick to yes their way–we will blackball every member standing and no to the death ; for yes and no lay his head for Bridgewater who does not vote for universal sati. upon the scaffold, where his ancestors have laid their rago.' heads before-and cling to his yes and no in spite of The ballot and universal suffrage are never men. Robert Peel and John Wilson, and Joseph, and Daniel tioned by the radicals without being coupled toge. and Fergus, and Stephens himself. He must do as the gether. Nobody ever thinks of separating them. Russells always have done, advance his tirm toot on Any person who atteinpted to separate them at torch. the field of honour-plant it on 'he line marked out by light or sunlight meetings would be hooted down. It justice, and determine in that cause to perish or to is professedly avowed that ballot is only wanted tor prevail.

ulterior purposes, and no one makes a secret of what In clubs, ballot preserves secrecy; but in clubs, those ulterior purposes are: not only would the gift or after the barrister has blackballed the colonel, he most hallot, it universal suffrage were refused. not be recei

. likely never hears of the colonel again: he does not 'ved with gratitude, but it would be received with furi. live among people who are calling out for seven years , ous indgination and contempt, and universal suffrage be the colonel for ever ; nor is there any one who, thinking speedily extorted from you. he has a right to the barrister's sutirage, exercises the There would be this argument also for universal suí. most incessant vigilance to detect whether or not be trage, to which I do not think it very easy to find a has been detrauded of it. I do not say that ballot can

The son of a man who renis a house of ten never in any instance be a mean of secrecy and safety, pounds a year is often a much cleverer man than his but that it cannot be so in popular elections. Even in father; the wife more intelligent than the husband. elections, a consummate hypocrite who was unmar. Under the system of open voting, these persons are ried, and drank water, might perhaps exercise his pot excluded from want of intellect, but for want of timid patriotism with impunity; but the instances independence, for they would necessarily role with would be so rare as to render ballot utterly inefficient their principal; but the moment the ballot is estabas a general protection against the abuses of power. lished, according to the reasoning of the Grote school,

In America, ballot is nearly a dead letter ; no pro- one man is as independent as another, because all are tection is wanted : if the ballot protects any man, it is concealed, and so all are equally entitled to offer their the master, not the man. Some of the states have no suffrages. This cannot sow dissensions iu families ; ballot,-some have exchanged the ballot for open for how, ballotically reasoning, can the father find voting.

out? or, if he did find out, how has any father, balio. Bribery carried on in any town now would probably tically speaking, a right to control the rotes of his be carried on with equal' success under the balloi. family? The attorney (it such a system prevailed) would say I have often drawn a picture in my own mind of a to the candidate, • There is my list of promises; it Balloto-Grotical family roting and promising under the you come in I will have 5,0001., and if you do not, you new system. There is one vacancy, and three candi. shall pay me nothing. To this list, to which I sup- dates, tory, whig, and radical. Walter Wiggins, a pose all the venal rabble of the town to have put their small artificer of' shoes, for the moderate gratuity a naines, there either is an opposition bribery-list, or five pounds, promises his own vote. and that of the there is not : if there is not, the promisers, looking only chaste Arabella his wife, in the tory candidate ; hit, to make money by their vote, have every inducement Walter Wiggins, having also sold, for one sovereign, to keep their word. If there is an opposition list, the the vote of the before-named Arabella to the vgs. only trick which a promiser can play is to put down Mr. John Wiggins, a tailor, the male progeny of Wai. his name upon both lists: but this trick would be so ter and Arabella, at the solicitation of his inaster, easily detected, so much watched and suspected, and promises his vote to the whigs, and persuades his sister would even in the vote-market render a man so infa. Honoria to make a similar promise in the same cause. mous, that it never would be attempted to any great Arabella, the wite, yields implicitly to the wishes of extent. At present, if a man proinises his vote to A., her liusband. In this way, before election, stand comand votes for B., because he can get more money by mitted the highly moral family of Mr. Wiggins. The it, he does not become infamous among the bribed, period for lying arrives, and the mendacity machine is because they lose no money by him; but where a list exhibited to the view of the Wigginses. What hapis found, and a certain sum of money is to be divided pens? Arabella, who has in the interim been drastis among that list, every interloper lessons the receipts ed by her drunken husband, votes secretly for the rad. of all the rest; it becomes their interest to guard icals, having been sold both to whig and tory. Mr. against fraudulent intrusion ; and a man who puts his John Wiggins, pledged beyond redemption to the name upon more lists than the votes he was entitled whigs, votes for the tory; and Honoria, extr nsically to give, would soon be hunted down by those he had furious in the cause of whigs, is persuaded by her lover robbed. Of course there would be no pay till after the to vote for the radical member. The following table election, and the man who having one vole had put exhibits the state of this moral family before and after himself down on two lists, or having two votes had the election.put himself down on three lists, could hardly fail to be

Walter Wiggins sells himself once and his wife tuice. detected, and would, of course, lose his political acel.

Arabella Wiugins, sold to tory and whig, vote for radial. dama. There must be honour among thieves; the John Wiggins, promised to whis, votes for tory. mob regularly inured to bribery under the canopy of Honoria Wiggins, promised to whig, votes for radical. the ballot, would for their own sake soon introduce rules for the distribution of the plunder, and infuse, In this way the families of the poor, under the leg. with their customary energy, the morality of not being islation of Mir, Grote, will become schools for good sold more than once at every election.

faith, openness, and truth. What are Chrysiypus and If hallot were established, it would be received by Crantor, and all the moralists of the whole world, the upper classes with the greatest possible suspicion, compared to Mr. Grote ? and every effort would be made to counteract il and It is urged that the lower order of voters, proud of to get rid of it. Against those attacks the inferior such a distinction, will not be anxious to extend it 10 orders would naturally wish to strengthen themselves, others; but the lower order of voters will often find and the obvious means would be by extending the that they possess this distinction in rain—that wealt number of voters; and so comes on universal suffrage. and educaiion are too strong for them ; and they will The ballot would fail: it would be found neither to call in the multitude as auxiliaries, firmly believing prevent intimidation nor bribery. Universal suffrage that they can curb their interiors and conquer their would cure both, as a teaspoonful of prussic acid is a superiors. Ballot is a mere illusion, but universal certain cure for the most formidable diseases ; but suffrage is not an illusion. The common people will universal suffrage would in all probability be the next get nothing by the one, but they will gain ererything, step. The 200 richest voters of Bridport shall not and ruin every thing, by the last. beat the 400 poorest voters. Everybody who has a Some members of Parliament who mean to vote for house shall vote, or everybody who is twenty-one ballot, in the fear of losing their seats, and who are skall vote, and then the people will be sure to bave desirous of reconciling to their conscience such an act

tion.

of disloyalty to mankind, are fond of saying that bal. sal suffrage, as there is no act of folly or madness lot is harmless ; that it will neither do the good nor the which it may not in the beginning produce. There evil that is expected from it; and that the people may would be the greatest risk that the monarchy, as at turly be indulged in such an innocent piece of legisla present constituted, the funded debt, the established

Never was such folly and madness as this; bal. church, titles, and hereditary peerage, would give way lot will be the cause of interminable hatred and jea. before it. Many really honest men may wish for these lousy among the different orders of mankind; it will changes; I know, or at least believe, that wheat and familirize the English people to a long renour of de- barley would grow if there was no Archbishop of Can. ceit; it will not answer its purpose of protecting the terbury, and domestic fowls would breed it our Vis. independent roter, and the people, exasperated and count Níelbourne was again called Mr. Lamb; but they disappointed by the failure, will indemnify themselves have stronger nerves than I have who would venture by insisting upon unlimited suffrage. And then it is to bring these changes about. So few nations have tälked of as an experiment, as if men were talking of been free, it is so difficult to guard freedom from acids and alkalies, and the galvanic pile; as if Lord kings, and mobs, and patriotic gentlemen; and we are John could get on the hustings and say, 'Gentlemen, in such a very tolerable state of happiness in England, you see this ballot does not answer; do me the favour that I think such changes would be very rash ; and I io give it up, and to allow yourselves to be re- have an utter mistrust in the sagacity and penetration placed in the same situation as the ballot found you.' of political reasoners who pretend io foresee all the Such, no doubt, is the history of nations and the march consequences to which they would give birth. When of human affairs; and, in this way, the error of a sud- I speak of the tolerable state of happiness in which den and foolish largess of power to the people might, we live in England, I do not speak merely of nono doubt, be easily retrieved. The most unpleasaní bles, squires, and canons of St. Pauls, but of drivers of all bodily feelings is a cold sweat ; nothing brings of coaches, clerks in offices, carpenters, blacksmiths, it on so surely as perilous nonsense in politics. I lose butchers, and bakers, and most men who do not marry all warmth from the bodily frame when I hear the bal- upon nothing, and become burdened with large famí. lot talked of as an experiment.

lies before they arrive at years of maturity. The I cannot at all understand what is meant by this in- earth is not sufficiently fertile for this: dolent opinion. Votes are coerced now; if votes are

Difficilem victum fundit durissima tellus. free, will the elected be the same? if not, will the diference of the elected be unimportant? Will not the

After all, the great art in politics and war is to biliot stimulate the upper orders to fresh exertions?- choose a good position for making a stand. The Duke and are their increased jealousy and interference of no

ef Wellington examined and fortified the lines of Tor. importance? If ballo:, afier all, is found to hold out res Vedras a year before he had any occasion to make a real protection to the voter, is universal lying of no

use of them, and he had previously marked out Waimportance ? I can understand what is meant by call. terloo as the probable scene of some future exploit.ing ballot a great good, or a great evil; but, in the The people seem to be hurrying on through all the m ghty contention for power which is raging in this well-known steps to anarchy; they must be stopped country, to call it indiferent appears to me extremely at some pass or another ; the first is the best and most foolish in all those in whom it is not extremely dis- easily detended. The people have a right to ballot or honest.

to any thing else which will make them happy; and If the ballot did succeed in enabling the lower order they have a right to nothing which will make them of voters to conquer their betters, so much the worse. unhappy. They are the best judges of their immedi. In a town consisting of 700 voters, the 300, most opu- best conduce to their interests for a series of years..

ate gratifications, and the worst judges of what would lent and powerful (and therefore probably the best in. structed) would make a much better choice than the Most earnestly and conscientiously wishing their good, remaining 400; and the ballot would, in that case, do more harm than good. In nineteen cases out of twen.

No BALLOT. ty, the most numerous party would be in the wrong. If this is the case, why give the franchize to all? why not confine it to the first division? because even with all the abuses which occur, and in spite of them, the great FIRST LETTER TO ARCHDEACON SINGLETON, mass of the people are much more satisfied with having a ON THE ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. rote occasionally controlled than with having none.

MY DEAR SIR,Many agree with the r superiors, and therefore feel no

As you do me the honour to ask my opinion respect. coutrol. Many are persuaded by their superiors, and ing the constitution and proceedings of the ecclesias. not controlled. Some are indifferent which way they tical commission, and of their conduct to the dignita. exercise the power, though they would not like to be ries of the church, I shall write to you without any reutterly deprived of it. Some guzzle away their vote, serve upon this subject. some sell it, some brave their superiors, a few are threatened and controlled. The election, in different constitution of the commission. As the reform was

The first thing which excited my surprise, was the ways, is affected by the superior influence of the up- to comprehend every branch of churchmen, bishops, per orders ; and the greatornass (occasionally and just; dignitaries, and parochial clergymen, I cannot but ly complaining) are, beyond all doubt, better pleased think it would have been much more advisable to have than it' they had no votes at all. The lower orders added to the commission some members of the two always have it in their power to rebel against their lower orders of the church--they would have supplied superiors ; and occasionally they will do so, and have that partial knowledge which appears in so many of

and occasionally and justly carried elections the proceedings of the commissioners to have been against gold, and birth, and education. But it is mad wanting-they would have attended to those interests ness to inake laws of society which attempt to shake (rot episcopal) which appear to have been so complete. off the great laws of nature. bread, and mutton, and broadcloth, wealth. in a long mission from those charges of injustice and partiality

As long as men love ly overlooked—and they would have screened the comseries of years, must have enormous effects upon hu

which are now so generally brought against it. There man affairs, and the strong box will beat the ballot

can be no charm in the name of bishop-the man who Mr. Grote has both, but he miscalculates their

was a curate yesterday is a bishop 10-day. There are respective powers. Mr. Grote knows the relative values of gold and silver ; but by what moral rate of exchange who would have come to the reform of the church

many prebendaries, many rectors, and many vicars, is he able to tell us the relative values of liberty and

with as much integrity, wisdom, and vigour as any truth? It is hardly necessary to say any thing about univer. bishop on the bench; and I believe, with a much stron.

ger recollection that all the orders of the church were

not to be sacrificed to the highest; and that to make The 400 or 500 voting against the 200, are right about as their work respectable, and lasting, it should in all often as juries are right in ditlering from judges ; and that (even in its minutesi provisions), be founded upon jus is very seldom.

tice.

I say,

done su,

box.

All the interests of the church in the commutation would all the cathedrals in England bere been subject. of tithes are entrusted to one parochial clergyman;* ed to the unconciliating empire, and unwear.ed energy and I have no doubt, from what I hear of him, that of one man. they will be well protected. Why could not one or Instead of this quiet and cautious mode of proceed. two such men have been added to the commission, and ing, all is change, fusion and confusion. New bishops, a general impression been created, that government in new dioceses, confiscated prebends-clergymon chang. this momentous change had a parental feeling for all ing bishops, and bishops clergymen-mitros in Man. orders of men whose interests might be affected by it? chester. Gloucester turned into Bristol. Such a scene A ministry may laugh at this, and think if they culti. of revolution and commutation as bas not been seen vate bishops, that they may treat the other orders of zince the days of Ireton and Cromwell! and the sin. the church with contempt and neglect; but I say, that gularity is, that all this has been effected by men se. to create a general impression of justice, if it be not lected from their age, their dignity, and their known what common honesty requires from any ministry, is priuciples, and from whom the considerate part of the what common sense points out to them. It is strength community expected all the the caution and calmness and duration—it is the only power which is worth hav. which these high requisites seemed to prolise, and ing-in the struggle of parties it gives victory, and is ought to have secured. remembered, and goes down to other times.

The plea of making a fund is utterly untenablethe A mixture of different orders of clergy in the com- great object was not to make a fund; and there is tbe mission would at least have secured a decent attention mistake into which the commission have fallen : the to the representations of all; for of seven communica. object was not to add 101. or 201. per annum to a th us. tions made to the commission by cathedrals, and in and small livings, and to diminish inequalities in a volving very serious representacions respecting high ratio so trifling ihat the public will hardly notice it; interests, six were totally disregarded, and the receipt a very proper thing to do if higher interesis were not of the papers not even acknowledged.

sacrificed to it, but the great object was to remove the I cannot help thinking that the commissioners have causes of hatred from the church, by lessening such done a great deal too much. Reform of the church incomes as those of Canterbury, Durham, and London, was absolutely necessary-it cannot be avoided, and exorbitantly and absurdly grat-by making idleness ought not to be postponed; but I would have found work-and by these means to lessen the eniy oila ya out what really gave offence, have applied a remedy, men. It is imposssible to make a fund which will removed the nuisance, and done no more. I would not raise the smaller livings of the church into any thing have operated so largely on an old, and (I fear) a de- like a decent support for those who possess them caying building. I would not, in days of such strong The whole income of the church, episcopal, prebendal, political excitement, and amidst such a disposition to and parochial, divided among the clergy, would not universal change, have done one thing more than was give to each clergyman an income equal to that which absolutely necessary to remove the odium against the is enjoyed by the upper domestic of a great nobleman. establishment, the only sensible reasou for issuing any The method in which the church has been paid, and cominission at all; and the means which I took to must continue to be paid, is by unequal divisions. All eflect this, should have agreed as much as possible the enormous changes which ihe commission is making with institutions already established. For instance, will produce a very triffing difference in the inequality, the public were disgusted with the spectacle of rich while it will accustoin more and more those enomes prebendaries enjoying large incomes, and doing little of the church, who are studying under their righe tes, or nothing for them. The real remedy for this would inasters, to the boldest revolutions in ecclesiasticalaf. have been to have combined wealth and labour; and fairs. Out of 10,478 benefices, there are 297 of about as each of the present prebendaries fell off, to have 401. per annum value, 1,629 at about 751., and 1.62 at annexed the stall to some large and populous parish. about 1251.; to raise all these benefices to 2001. 1+ A prebendary of Canterbury or of St. Paul's, in his annum, would require an annual sum of 371.2931.; and present state, may make the church unpopular; but upon 2,878 of those benefices there are no houses; and place him as rector of a parish, with 8000 or 9000 peo- upon 1,728 no houses fit for residence. What difter. ple, and in a benefice of little or no value, he works ence in the apparent inequality of the church would for his wealth, and the odium is removed. In like this sum of 371 2931. produce, if it could be raised on manner the prebends, which are not the property of in what degree would it lessen the odium which that the residentiaries, might have been annexed to the inequality creates? The case is utterly hopeless; and smallest livings of the neighbourhood where the pre- yet with all their confiscations the commissioners bendal estate was situated The interval which has so far from being able to raise the annual sum of elapsed since the first furious demand for reform, 371,0001., that the utmost they expect to gain is 130,would bave enabled the commissioners to adopt a 0001. per annum. scheme of much greater moderation than might per: It seems a paradoxical statement, but the act is, haps have been possible at the first outbreak of popu- that the respectability of the church, as well as ofite ar indignation against the church ; and this sort of bar, is almost entirely preserved by the unequal diri. istribution would have given much more general sat. sion of their revenues. A bar of one hundred lawyers sfaction than the plan adopted by commissioners; for travel the northern circuit, enlightening provincial ig. nough money, in the estimation of philosophers, has norance, curing local partialities, diffusing knowledge, no ear mark, it has a very deep one in the opinion of and dispensing justice in their route : it is quite certain the multitude. The riches of the church of Durham that all they gain is not equal to all that ihey spend; were most hated in the neighbourhood of Durham; if the profits were equally divided, there would not be and there such changes as I have pointed out would six and eight-pence for each person, and there would bave been most gladly received, and would have con- be no bar at all. At present, the success of the leader ciliated the greatest favour to the church. The peo- animates them all-each man hopes to be a Scarlett or ple of Kent cannot see why their Kentish estates, giv, a Brougham--and takes out his ticket in a lottery by en to the cathedral of Canterbury, are to augment which the mass must infallibly lose, irusting (as man. livings in Cornwall. The citizens of London see some kind are so apt to do) to his good fortune, and belier. of their ministers starving in the city, and the profits ing that the prize is reserved for him, disappointmeni of the extinguished prebends sent into Northumber. and defeat for others. So it is with the clergy; the land. These feelings may be very unphilosophical, whole income of the church, it equally divided, w uld but they are the feelings of the mass ; and to the feel. be about 2:01. for each minister.' Who would go into ings of the mass the reforms of the church ought to be the church and spend 1,2001. or 1,5001. upon his educadirected. In this way the evil would have been cor. tion, if such were the highest remuneration be could rected where it was most seen and noticed. All pat. ever look to? At present, men are tempted into the ronage would have been left as it was. One order of church by the prizes of the church, and bring into that the church would not have plundered the other. Nor church a great deal of capital, which enables them to * The Rev. Nr. Jones is the commissioner appointed by money of the public, but with their own money, pbich,

live in decency, supporting themselves, not with the the Archbishop of Canterbury, to watch over the interests but for this temptation, would have been cerried into of the church

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