Oates, in opposition to the students of St. Omers, found means to bring evidence of his having been at that time in London: but this evidence, though it had, at that time, the appearance of some solidity, was afterwards discovered, when Oates himself was tried for perjury, to be altogether deceitful. In order further to discredit that witness, the jesuits proved, by undoubted testimony, that he had perjured himself in father Ireland's trial, whom they showed to have been in Staffordshire at the very time when Oates swore that he was committing treason in London. But all these pleas availed them nothing against the general prejudices. They received sentence of death; and were executed, persisting to their last breath in the most solemn, earnest, and deliberate, though disregarded, protestations of their innocence. The next trial was that of Langhorne, an eminent lawyer, by whom all the concerns of the jesuits were managed. Oates and Bedloe swore, that all the papal commissions, by which the chief offices in England were filled with catholics, passed through his hands. When verdict was given against the prisoner, the spectators expressed their savage joy by loud acclamations. So high indeed had the popular rage mounted, that the witnesses for this unhappy man, on approaching the court, were almost torn in pieces by the rabble: one in particular was bruised to such a degree, as to put his life in danger: and another, a woman, declared that, unless the court could afford her protection, she durst not give evidence: but as the judges could go no further than promise to punish such as should do her any injury, the prisoner himself had the humanity to wave her testimony. So far the informers had proceeded with success: their accusation was hitherto equivalent to a sentence of death. The first check which they received was on the trial of sir George Wakeman, the queen's physician, whom they accused of an intention to poison the king. It was a strong circumstance in favour of Wakeman, that Oates, in his first information before the council, had accused him only upon hearsay: and when asked by the chancellor, whether he had anything further to charge him with? he added, "God forbid I should say anything against sir George: for I know nothing more against him." On the trial he gave positive evidence of the prisoner's guilt. There were many other circumstances which favoured Wakeman: but what chiefly contributed to his acquital, was the connexion of his cause with that of the queen, whom no one, even during the highest prejudices of the times, could sincerely believe guilty. The great importance of the trial made men recollect themselves, and recall that good sense and humanity which seemed, during some time, to have abandoned the nation. The chief-justice himself, who had hitherto favoured the witnesses, exaggerated the plot, and railed against the prisoners, was observed to be considerably mollified, and to give a favourable charge to the jury. Oates and Bedloe had the assurance to attack him to his face, and even to accuse him of partiality before the council. The whole party, who had formerly much extolled his conduct, now made him the object of their resentment. Wakeman's acquittal was indeed a sensible mortification to the furious prosecutors of the plot, and fixed an indelible stain upon the witnesses. But Wakeman, after he recovered his liberty, finding himself exposed to such inveterate enmity, and being threatened with further prosecutions, thought it prudent to retire beyond sea: and his flight was interpreted as a proof of guilt, by those who were still resolved to persist in the belief of the conspiracy. STATE OF AFFAIRS IN SCOTLAND. The great discontents in England, and the refractory disposition of the parliament, drew the attention of the Scottish covenanters, and gave them a prospect of some time putting an end to those oppressions, under which they had so long laboured. It was suspected to have been the policy of Lauderdale and his associates to push these unhappy men to extremities, and force them into rebellion, with a view of reaping profit from the forfeitures and attainders which would ensue upon it. But the covenanters, aware of this policy, had hitherto forborne all acts of hostility; and that tyrannical minister had failed of his purpose. An incident at last happened, which brought on an insurrection in that country. The covenanters were much enraged against Sharpe, the primate, whom they considered as an apostate from their principles, and whom they experienced to be an unrelenting persecutor of all those who dissented from the established worship. He had an officer under him, one Carmichael, no less zealous than himself against conventicles, and who by his violent prosecutions, had rendered himself extremely obnoxious to the fanatics. A company of these had waylaid him on the road near St. Andrews, (3rd May,) with an intention, if not of killing him, at least of chastising him so severely as would afterwards render him more cautious in persecuting the nonconformists. While looking out for their prey, they were surprised at seeing the archbishop's coach pass by; and they immediately interpreted this incident as a declaration of the secret purpose of Providence against him. But when they observed that almost all his servants, by some accident, were absent, they no longer doubted, but Heaven had here delivered their capital enemy into the r hands. Without further deliberation, they fell upon him; dragged him from his coach; tore him from the arms of his daughter, who interposed with cries and tears; and pierced him with redoubled wounds, left him dead on the spot, and immediately dispersed themselves. This atrocious action served the ministry as a pretence for a more violent persecution against the fanatics, on whom, without distinction, they threw the guilt of those furious assassins. It is indeed certain, that the murder of Sharpe had excited an universal joy among the covenanters, and that their blind zeal had often led them, in their books and sermons, to praise and recommend the assassination of their ecemies, whom they considered as the enemies of all tras piety and godliness. The stories of Jael and Sisera, of Ehud and Eglon, resounded from every pulpit. The officers quartered in the west, received more strict orders to find out and disperse all conventicles; and for that reason the covenanters, instead of meeting in small bodies, were obliged to celebrate their worship in numerous assemblies, and to bring arms for their security. At Rutherglen, a small borough near Glasgow, they openly set forth a declaration against prelacy; and in the market-place burned several acts of parliament and acts of council, which had established that mode of ecclesiastical government, and had pro- | hibited conventicles. For this insult on the supreme authority, they purposely chose the 29th of May, the anniversary of the Restoration; and previously extin guished the bonfires which had been kindled for that solemnity. Captain Graham, afterwards viscount Dundee, an active and enterprising officer, attacked a great conventicle upon Louden-hill, and was repulsed with the loss of thirty men. The covenanters, finding that they were unwarily involved in such deep guilt, were engaged to persevere, and to seek from their valour and fortune alone, for that indemnity, which the severity of the government left them no hopes of ever being able otherwise to obtain. They pushed on to Glasgow; and though at first repulsed, they afterwards made themselves masters of that city; dispossessed the estab lished clergy; and issued proclamations, in which they declared that they fought against the king's supremacy, against popery and prelacy, and against a popish successor. BATTLE OF BOTHWEL-BRIDGE. THE STATE OF PARTIES. HE king, observing that the whole nation con. curred at first in the belief and prosecution of the popish plot, had found it necessary for his own safety, to pretend, in all public speeches and transactions, an entire belief and acquiescence in that famous ab surdity, and by this artifice he had eluded the violent and irresistible torrent of the people. When a little time and recollection, as well as the execution of the pretended conspirators, had somewhat moderated the general fury, he was now enabled to form a considerable party, devoted to the interests of the crown, and determined to oppose the pretensions of the malcontents. appear, there is reason to suspect that some great men, in combination with the popular leaders in England, had secretly instigated the covenanters to proceed to such extremities, and hoped for the same effects that had forty years before ensued from the disorders in Scotland. The king also, apprehensive of like consequences, immediately dispatched thither Monmouth with a small body of English cavalry. That nobleman joined to these troops the Scottish guards, and some regiments of militia, levied from the well-affected counties; and with great celerity marched in quest of the rebels. They had taken post near Bothwel-castle, between Hamilton and Glasgow; where there was no access to them but over a bridge, which a small body was able to defend against the king's forces. They showed judgment in the choice of their post; but dis- In every mixed government, such as that of Engcovered neither judgment nor valour in any other step land, the bulk of the nation will always incline to preof their conduct. No nobility and few gentry had serve the entire frame of the constitution; but accordjoined them the clergy were in reality the generals; ing to the various prejudices, interests, and dispoand the whole army never exceeded 8000 men. Mon-sitions of men, some will ever attach themselves with mouth attacked the bridge; and the body of rebels more passion to the regal, others to the popular, part who defended it, maintained their post as long as their of the government. Though the king, after his reammunition lasted. When they sent for more, they storation, had endeavoured to abolish the distinction received orders to quit their ground, and to retire of parties, and had chosen his ministers from among backwards. This imprudent measure occasioned an all denominations; no sooner had he lost his popuimmediate defeat of the covenanters. Monmouth larity, and exposed himself to general jealousy, than passed the bridge without opposition, and drew up his he found it necessary to court the old cavalier party, forces opposite to the enemy. His cannon alone put and to promise them full compensation for that negthem to rout. About 700 fell in the pursuit; for pro- lect of which they had hitherto complained. The perly speaking there was no action. Twelve hundred present emergence made it still more necessary for were taken prisoners; and were treated by Monmouth him to apply for their support; and there were many with a humanity which they had never experienced in circumstances which determined them, at this time, to their own countrymen. Such of them as would pro- fly to the assistance of the crown, and to the protection mise to live peaceably were dismissed. About three of the royal family. hundred, who were so obstinate as to refuse this easy A party, strongly attached to monarchy, will natucondition, were shipped for Barbadoes; but unfor- rally be jealous of the right of succession, by which tunately perished in the voyage. Two of their clergy | alone they believe stability to be preserved in the gowere hanged. Monmouth was of a generous disposi-vernment, and a barrier fixed against the encroachtion; and besides aimed at popularity in Scotland. The king intended to intrust the government of that kingdom in his hands. He had married a Scottish lady, heir of a great family, and allied to all the chief nobility. And Lauderdale, as he was now declining in his parts, and was much decayed in his memory, began to lose with the king that influence which he had maintained during so many years; notwithstanding the efforts of his numerous enemies both in Scotland and England, and notwithstanding the many violent and tyrannical actions of which he had been guilty. Even at present he retained so much influence as to poison all the good intentions which the king, either of himself, or by Monmouth's suggestion, had formed with But though his union with the political royalists regard to Scotland. An act of indemnity was granted; brought great accession of force to the king, he debut Lauderdale took care that it should be so worded rived no less support from the confederacy, which he as rather to afford protection to himself and his asso- had, at this time, the address to form with the church ciates, than to the unhappy covenanters. And though of England. He represented to the ecclesiastics the orders were given to connive thenceforwards at all great number of presbyterians and other sectaries, who conventicles, he found means, under a variety of pre- had entered into the popular party; the encouragetences, to elude the execution of them. It must be ment and favour which they met with; the loudness owned, however, to his praise, that he was the chief of their cries with regard to popery and arbitrary person, who, by his counsel, occasioned the expeditious power. And he made the established clergy and their march of the forces and the prompt orders given to adherents apprehend, that the old scheme for the aboMonmouth; and thereby disappointed all the expecta-lition of prelacy as well as monarchy was revived, and tions of the English malcontents, who, reflecting on the disposition of men's minds in both kingdoms, had entertained great hopes from the progress of the Scottish insurrection. CHAPTER LXVIII. ments of popular assemblies. The project, openly embraced, of excluding the duke, appeared to that party a dangerous innovation: and the design, secretly projected, of advancing Monmouth, made them apprehensive lest the inconveniencies of a disputed succession, should be propagated to all posterity. While the jealous lovers of liberty maintained, that a king, whose title depended on the parliament, would naturally be more attentive to the interests, at least to the humours, of the people; the passionate admirers of monarchy considered all dependence as a degradation of kingly government, and a great step towards the establishment of a commonwealth of England. that the same miseries and oppressions awaited them, to which, during the civil wars and usurpations, they had so long been exposed. The memory also of those dismal times united many indifferent and impartial persons to the crown, and begat a dread lest the zeal for liberty should engraft itself on fanaticism, and should once more kindle a civil war in the kingdom. Had not the king still retained the prerogative of dissolving the parliament, there was indeed reason to apprehend the renewal of State of Parties-State of the Ministry-Meal-tub Plot-Whig and all the pretensions and violences which had ushered in Tory A new Parliament- Violence of the Commons-Exclusion the last commotions. The one period appeared an Bill -Arguments for and against the Exclusion Exclusion Bil rejected-Trial of Stafford-His Execution-Violence of the Comexact counterpart to the other: but still discerning mons-Dissolution of the Parliament -- New Parliament at Ox-judges could perceive, both in the spirit of the parties ford Fitz-harris's Case Parliament dissolved-Victory of the Rovalists. and in the genius of the prince, a material difference; by means of which Charles was enabled at last, though | even the king, while he made use of their service, had with the imminent peril of liberty, to preserve the peace of the nation. no sincere regard for their persons. Essex in disgust resigned the treasury: Halifax retired to his countryseat: Temple, despairing of any accommodation among such enraged parties, withdrew almost entirely to his books and his gardens. The king who changed ministers as well as measures with great indifference, bestowed at this time his chief confidence on Hyde, Sunderland, and Godolphin. Hyde succeeded Essex in the treasury. The cry against popery was loud; but it proceeded less from religious than from party zeal, in those who propagated, and even in those who adopted it. The spirit of enthusiasm had occasioned so much mischief, and had been so successfully exploded, that it was not possible, by any artifice, again to revive and support it. Cant had been ridiculed, hypocrisy detected; the pretensions to a more thorough reformation, and to greater purity, had become suspicious; and instead of denominating themselves the godly party, the appellation affected at the beginning of the civil wars, the present patriots were content with calling themselves the good and honest party: a sure prognostic that their measures were not to be so furious, nor their preten-hensions of the duke's bigoted principles and arbitrary sions so exorbitant. The king too, though not endowed with the integrity and strict principles of his father, was happy in a more amiable manner, and more popular address. Far from being distant, stately, or reserved, he had not a grain of pride or vanity in his whole composition; but was the most affable, best bred man alive. He treated his subjects like noblemen, like gentlemen, like freemen; not like vassals or boors. His professions were plausible, his whole behaviour engaging; so that he won upon the hearts, even while he lost the good opinion, of his subjects, and often balanced their judgment of things by their personal inclination. In his public conduct likewise, though he had sometimes embraced measures dangerous to the liberty and religion of his people, he had never been found to persevere obstinately in them, but had always returned into that path, which their united opinion seemed to point out to him. And upon the whole, it appeared to many cruel, and even iniquitous, to remark too rigorously the failings of a prince, who discovered so much facility in correcting his errors, and so much lenity in pardoning the offences committed against himself. STATE OF THE MINISTRY. The general affection borne the king appeared sig nally about this time. He fell sick at Windsor; and had two or three fits of a fever, so violent as made his life be thought in danger. A general consternation seized all ranks of men, increased by the apprehensions entertained of his successor. In the present disposition of men's minds, the king's death, to use an expression of sir William Temple, was regarded as the end of the world. The malcontents, it was feared, would proceed to extremities, and immediately kindle a civil war in the kingdom. Either their entire success or entire failure, or even the balance and contest of parties, seemed all of them events equally fatal. The king's chief counsellors therefore, Essex, Halifax, and Sunderland, who stood on bad terms with Shaftesbury and the popular party, advised him to send secretly for the duke, that in case of any sinister accident, that prince might be ready to assert his right against the opposition which he was likely to meet with. When the duke arrived (2nd September,) he found his brother out of danger; and it was agreed to conceal the invitation which he had received. His journey, however, was attended with important consequences. He prevailed on the king to disgrace Monmouth, whose projects were now known and avowed; to deprive him of his command in the army, and to send him beyond sea. He himself returned to Brussels; but made a short stay in that place. He obtained leave to retire to Scotland, under pretence still of quieting the apprehensions of the English nation; but in reality with a view of securing that kingdom in his interest. Though Essex and Halifax had concurred in the resolution of inviting over the duke, they soon found, that they had not obtained his confidence, and that | All the king's ministers, as well as himself, were extremely averse to the meeting of the new parliament, which they expected to find as refractory as any of the preceding. The elections had gone mostly in favour of the country party. The terrors of the plot had still a mighty influence over the populace; and the apprecharacter weighed with men of sense and reflection. The king therefore resolved to prorogue the parliament, that he might try, whether time would allay those humours, which, by every other expedient, he had in vain attempted to mollify. In this measure he did not expect the concurrence of his council. He knew that those popular leaders, whom he had admitted, would zealously oppose a resolution, which disconcerted all their schemes; and that the royalists would not dare, by supporting it, to expose themselves to the vengeance of the parliament, when it should be assembled. These reasons obliged him to take this step entirely of himself; and he only declared his resolution in council. It is remarkable, that, though the king had made profession never to embrace any measure without the advice of these counsellors, he had often broken that resolution, and had been necessitated, in affairs of the greatest consequence, to control their opinion. Many of them in disgust threw up about this time, particularly lord Russel, the most popular man in the nation, as well from the mildness and integrity of his character, as from his zealous attachment to the religion and liberties of his country. Though carried into some excesses, his intentions were ever esteemed upright; and being heir to the greatest fortune in the kingdom, as well as void of ambition, men believed that nothing but the last necessity could ever engage him to embrace any desperate measures. Shaftesbury, who was, in most particulars, of an opposite character, was removed by the king from the office of president of the council; and the earl of Radnor, a man who possessed whimsical talents and splendid virtues, was substituted in his place. MEAL-TUB PLOT. It was the favour and countenance of the parliament, which had chiefly encouraged the rumour of plots; but the nation had gotten so much into that vein of credulity, and every necessitous villain was so much incited by the success of Oates and Bedloe, that, even during the prorogation, the people were not allowed to remain in tranquillity. There was one Dangerfield, a fellow who had been burned in the hand for crimes, transported, whipped, pilloried four times, fined for cheats, outlawed for felony, convicted of coining, exposed to all the public infamy which the laws could inflict on the basest and most shameful enormities. The credulity of the people, and the humour of the times, enabled even this man to become a person of consequence. He was the author of a new incident, called the Meal-tub plot, from the place where some papers relating to it were found. The bottom of this affair it is difficult, and not very material, to discover. It only appears, that Dangerfield, under pretence of betraying the conspiracies of the presbyterians, had been countenanced by some catholics of condition, and had even been admitted to the duke's presence and the king's: and that, under pretence of revealing new popish plots, he had ob tained access to Shaftesbury and some of the popular leaders. Which side he intended to cheat, is uncertain; or whether he did not rather mean to cheat both but he soon found that the belief of the nation was more open to a popish than a presbyterian plot; and he resolved to strike in with the prevailing humour. Though no weight could be laid on his testimony, great clamour was raised; as if the court, by way of retaliation, had intended to load the presbyterians with the guilt of a false conspiracy. It must be confessed that the present period, by the prevalence and suspicion of such mean and ignoble arts on all sides, throws a great stain on the British annals. One of the most innocent artifices, practised by party men at this time, was the additional ceremony, pomp, and expense, with which a pope-burning was celebrated in London: (17th of November :) the spectacle served to entertain, and amuse, and inflame, the populace. The duke of Monmouth likewise came over without leave, and made a triumphant procession through many parts of the kingdom; extremely caressed and admired by the people. All these arts seemed requisite to support the general prejudices, during the long interval of parliament. Great endeavours were also used to obtain the king's consent for the meeting of that assembly. Seventeen peers presented a petition to this purpose. Many of the corporations imitated the example......1680. Notwithstanding several marks of displeasure, and even a menacing proclamation from the king, petitions came from all parts, earnestly insisting on a session of parliament. The danger of popery, and the terrors of the plot, were never forgotten in any of these addresses. WHIG AND TORY. death, for no other crime than their having received orders in the Romish church. It is singular, that one of them, called Evans, was playing at tennis, when the warrant for immediate execution was notified to him: he swore, that he would play out his set first. Charles, with the same view of acquiring popularity, formed an alliance with Spain, and also offered an alliance to Holland: but the Dutch, terrified with the great power of France, and seeing little resource in a country so distracted as England, declined acceptance. He had sent for the duke from Scotland, but desired him to return, when the time of assembling the parliament began to approach. It was of great consequence to the popular party, while the meeting of parliament depended on the king's will, to keep the law, whose operations are perpetual, entirely on their side. The sheriffs of London by their office return the juries: it had been usual for the mayor to nominate one sheriff by drinking to him; and the common-hall had ever without dispute confirmed the mayor's choice. Sir Robert Clayton, the mayor, appointed one who was not acceptable to the popular party: the common-hall rejected him; and Bethel and Cornish. two independents, and republicans, and of consequence deeply engaged with the malcontents, were chosen by a majority of voices. In spite of all remonstrances and opposition, the citizens persisted in their choice; and the court party was obliged for the present to acquiesce. Juries however were not so partial in the city, but that reason and justice, even when the popish plot was in question, could sometimes prevail. The earl of Castlemaine, husband to the duchess of Cleveland, was acquitted about this time, (23rd June,) though accused by Oates and Dangerfield of an intention to assassinate the king. Sir Thomas Gascoigne, a very Tumultuous petitioning was one of the chief arti- aged gentleman in the north, being accused by two fices by which the malcontents in the last reign had servants, whom he had dismissed for dishonesty, reattacked the crown: and though the manner of sub-ceived a like verdict. These trials were great blows to scribing and delivering petitions was now somewhat the plot, which now began to stagger, in the judgregulated by act of parliament, the thing itself stillment of most men, except those who were entirely remained; and was an admirable expedient for in- devoted to the country party. But in order still to festing the court, for spreading discontent, and for keep alive the zeal against popery, the earl of Shaftesuniting the nation in any popular clamour. As the bury appeared in Westminster-hall, attended by the king found no law, by which he could punish those earl of Huntingdon, the lords Russel, Cavendish, Gray, importunate, and, as he deemed them, undutiful soli- | Brandon, sir Henry Caverley, sir Gilbert Gerrard, sir citations, he was obliged to encounter them by popular William Cooper, and other persons of distinction, and applications of a contrary tendency. Wherever the presented to the grand-jury of Middlesex reasons for church and court party prevailed, addresses were indicting the duke of York as a popish recusant. framed, containing expressions of the highest regard While the jury were deliberating on this extraordinary to his majesty, the most entire acquiescence in his presentment, the chief-justice sent for them, and sudwisdom, the most dutiful submission to his prerogative, denly, even somewhat irregularly, dismissed them. and the deepest abhorrence of those who endeavoured Shaftesbury however obtained the end for which he to encroach upon it, by prescribing to him any time had undertaken this bold measure; he showed to all his for assembling the parliament. Thus the nation came followers the desperate resolution which he had emto be distinguished into petitioners and abhorrers. Fac- braced, never to admit of any accommodation or comtions indeed were at this time extremely animated position with the duke. By such daring conduct he against each other. The very names, by which each gave them assurance, that he was fully determined not party denominated its antagonist, discover the viru- to desert their cause: and he engaged them to a like lence and rancour which prevailed. For besides peti- devoted perseverance in all the measures which he tioner and abhorrer, appellations which were soon for- should suggest to them. gotten, this year is remarkable for being the epoch of the well-known epithets of WHIG and TORY, by which, and sometimes without any material difference, this island has been so long divided. The court party reproached their antagonists with their affinity to the fanatical conventiclers in Scotland, who were known by the name of Whigs: the country party found a resemblance between the courtiers and the popish banditti in Ireland, to whom the appellation of Tory was affixed. And after this manner, these foolish terms of reproach came into public and general use; and even at present seem not nearer their end than when they were first invented. The king used every art to encourage his partisans, and to reconcile the people to his government. He persevered in the great zeal which he affected against popery. He even allowed several priests to be put to VOL. I. A NEW PARLIAMENT. October 21. As the kingdom was regularly and openly divided into two zealous parties, it was not difficult for the king to know that the majority of the new house of commons was engaged in interests opposite to the court: but that he might leave no expedient untried, which could compose the unhappy differences among his subjects, he resolved, at last, after a long interval, to assemble the parliament. In his speech, he told them that the several prorogations which he had made, had been very advantageous to his neighbours, and very useful to himself: that he had employed that interval in perfecting with the crown of Spain an alliance, which had often been desired by former parliaments, and which, he doubted not, would be extremely 5 N agreeable to them: that, in order to give weight to this measure, and render it beneficial to Christendom, it was necessary to avoid all domestic dissensions, and to unite themselves firmly in the same views and purposes: that he was determined that nothing on his part should be wanting to such a salutary end: and provided the succession were preserved in its due and legal course, he would concur in any expedient for the security of the protestant religion: that the further examination of the popish plot and the punishment of the criminals were requisite for the safety both of king and kingdom; and after recommending to them the necessity of providing, by some supplies, for the safety of Tangiers, he proceeded in these words: "But that which I value above all the treasure in the world, and which I am sure will give us greater strength and reputation both at home and abroad than any treasure can do, is a perfect union among ourselves. Nothing but this can restore the kingdom to that strength and vigour which it seems to have lost, and raise us again to that consideration which England hath usually possessed. All Europe have their eyes upon this assembly, and think their own happiness and misery, as well as ours, will depend upon it. If we should be so unhappy as to fall into misunderstandings among ourselves to that degree as would render our friendship unsafe to trust to, it will not be wondered at, if our neighbours should begin to take new resolutions, and perhaps such as may be fatal to us. Let us therefore take care that we do not gratify our enemies, and discourage our friends, by any unseasonable disputes. If any such do happen, the world will see that it is no fault of mine: for I have done all that it was possible for me to do, to keep you in peace while I live, and to leave you so when I die. But from so great prudence and so good affection as yours, I can fear nothing of this kind; but do rely upon you all, that you will do your best endeavours to bring this parliament to a good and happy conclusion." VIOLENCE OF THE COMMONS. All these modifying expressions had no influence with the commons. Every step which they took betrayed the zeal with which they were animated. They voted that it was the undoubted right of the subject to petition the king for the calling and sitting of parliament. Not content with this decision, which seems justifiable in a mixed monarchy, they fell with the utmost violence on all those abhorrers, who, in their addresses to the crown, had expressed their disapprobation of those petitions. They did not reflect that it was as lawful for one party of men as for another, to express their sense of public affairs; and that the best established right may, in particular circumstances, be abused, and even the exercise of it become an object of abhorrence. For this offence, they expelled sir Thomas Withens. They appointed a committee for further inquiry into such members as had been guilty of a like crime; and complaints were lodged against lord Paston, sir Robert Malverer, sir Bryan Stapleton, Taylor, and Turner. They addressed they king against sir George Jefferies, recorder of London, for his activity in the same cause; and they frightened him into a resignation of his office, in which he was succeeded by sir George Treby, a great leader of the popular party. They voted an impeachment against North, chief-justice of the common pleas, for drawing the proclamation against tumultuous petitions: but upon examination found the proclamation so cautiously worded, that it afforded them no handle against him. A petition had been presented to the king from Taunten. "How dare you deliver me such a paper?" said the king to the person who presented it. "Sir," replied he, "my name is DARE." For this saucy reply, but under other pretences, he had been tried, fined, and committed to prison. The commons now addressed the king for his liberty, and for remitting his fine. Some printers also and authors of seditious libels they took under protection. Great numbers of the abhorrers, from all parts of England, were seized by order of the commons, and committed to custody. The liberty of the subject, which had been so carefully guarded by the great charter, and by the late law of habeas corpus, was every day violated by their arbitrary and capricious commitments. The chief jealousy, it is true, of the English constitution is naturally and justly directed against the crown; nor indeed have the commons any other means of securing their privileges than by commitments, which, as they cannot beforehand be exactly determined by law, must always appear in some degree arbitrary. Sensible of these reasons, the people had hitherto, without murmuring, seen this discretionary power exercised by the house: but as it was now carried to excess and was abused to serve the purposes of faction, great complaints against it were heard from all quarters. At last, the vigour and courage of one Stowel of Exeter, an abhorrer, put an end to the practice. He refused to obey the serjeant-at-arms, stood upon his defence, and said that he knew of no law by which they pretended to commit him. The house, finding it equally dangerous to proceed or to recede, got off by an evasion: they inserted in their votes, that Stowel was indisposed, and that a month's time was allowed him for the recovery of his health. But the chief violence of the house of commons appeared in all their transactions with regard to the plot, which they prosecuted with the same zeal and the same credulity as their predecessors. They renewed the former vote, which affirmed the reality of the horrid popish plot; and, in order the more to terrify the people, they even asserted that, notwithstanding the discovery, the plot still subsisted. They expelled sir Robert Can, and sir Robert Yeomans, who had been complained of, for saying that there was no popish, but there was a presbyterian, plot. And they greatly lamented the death of Bedloe, whom they called a material witness, and on whose testimony they much depended. He had been seized with a fever at Bristol: had sent for chief-justice North; confirmed all his former evidence, except that with regard to the duke and the queen; and desired North to apply to the king for some money to relieve him in his necessities. A few days after, he expired; and the whole party triumphed extremely in these circumstances of his death: as if such a testimony could be deemed the affirmation of a dying man, as if his confession of perjury in some instances could assure his veracity in the rest, and as if the perseverance of one profligate could outweigh the last words of so many men, guilty of no crime but that of popery. The commons even endeavoured, by their countenance and protection, to remove the extreme infamy with which Dangerfield was loaded, and to restore him to the capacity of being an evidence. The whole tribe of informers they applauded and rewarded: Jennison, Turberville, Dugdale, Smith, la Faria, appeared before them; and their testimony, however frivolous or absurd, met with a favourable reception: the king was applied to in their behalf for pensions and pardons: their narratives were printed with that sanction which arose from the approbation of the house: Dr. Tongue was recommended for the first considerable church preferment, which should become vacant. Considering men's determined resolution to believe, instead of admiring that a palpable falsehood should be maintained by witnesses, it may justly appear wonderful, that no better evidence was ever produced against the catholics. EXCLUSION BILL. The principal reasons, which still supported the clamour of the popish plot, were the apprehensions entertained by the people of the duke of York, and the resolution embraced by their leaders, of excluding him |