"It is a curious

any feeling of personal resentment. fact," he observed, "that in nearly every one of these cases of disaffection among Republicans, the man's action can be traced directly to some motive entirely personal to himself-usually the refusal of office to himself or some of his particular friends"; and he proceeded to mention other cases besides that of the West Virginia Ex-Governor. It is a fact that the names of seven out of every nine of the members of the Cincinnati Convention appear upon the books at the White House as applicants for office.

GRANT'S LEARNING.

It cannot be claimed in behalf of General Grant that he is deeply read in abstruse sciences, even in those which Mr. Sumner would consider indispensable to statesmanship; but it is true that he is no ignoramus in such matters, and that what technical knowledge he does possess is not so much a damage to him, as that possessed by some of his enemies and rivals is to them. A President should not be a theorist or a book-worm. His lore should not be gulped down from musty books, where it was distilled full-flavored-and, perhaps, poisoned in the flavoring-years, perhaps ages, before. It should be gathered, as the bee gathers its honey, in actual contact with men. Thus acquired, it is assimilated with the judgment and becomes a faculty of instantaneous perception-an instinct, almost. The difference between Grant's life and that of

such a man as Charles Sumner, is expressed in these opposite sets of circumstances. While Sumner, born to plenty and reared in an atmosphere of scholarship and semi-aristocratic ease, became at once a book-worm, and learned nothing of men, because he never came in contact with but a single point of their natures, Grant was thrown from the first among practical affairs, and passed through an almost unintermitting school of human life and experience, calculated to develop those practical qualities essential to a good Executive. While Sumner was immersed in books, books, books, Grant was everywhere encountering men, men, men; studying their strong and their weak points, and learning lessons from both. That he improved his opportunities is shown from the quickly, keenly penetrating "common sense" which he, as President, has brought to bear, almost unerringly, upon the questions of state which have presented themselves for his solution. A man of practical common sense, and of well-balanced impulses is better in the President's chair than a man who has Vattel at his tongue's end and Grotius dog's-eared in his library.

CHAPTER XVI.

GRANT AND THE COLORED RACE.

The Real Question for the Colored Man's Consideration-Grant's Record as to Treatment of Negroes-Early Orders, Letters, Etc.-He Shuts Down at Donelson upon Fugitive Slave Hunters-Issues Practical Military Orders in Behalf of Freedmen in Advance of the Government-Organizes the First Freedmen's Bureau-Encourages the Formation of Negro Regiments-Favors a Negroes' Paradise at Milliken's Bend-His Expressions as President-Appointments of Colored Men to Office, Etc.

Considerable effort has been made by the partisans of Mr. Greeley to excite among the colored voters some jealousy of Grant, and thereby make votes for Greeley, whom they propose to foist upon the negroes by means of his old anti-slavery record. The argument which these sophists use against General Grant is, that he was not known as an Abolitionist before the war. They also make an assertion, founded upon no trustworthy authority which can be discovered, that Grant expressed himself, early in the war, in decided opposition to emancipation as an object of the war. But even if this apocryphal assertion should be proven, it will not go very far, since Abraham Lincoln, whom the negroes justly regard as the particular benefactor of their race, expressed himself, less than a month before issuing his preliminary Emancipation

Proclamation, as in great doubt of the correctness of that policy.

THE REAL QUESTION.

But be these things as they may, it will be generally admitted that the main question for colored voters now is, who has actually shown in his acts the most friendship for our race? Who is now

with our friends, and who with our enemies? If Grant is the representative of the party which emancipated the colored race from slavery, and which now favors their elevation to the highest functions of citizenship, he is the colored man's candidate par excellence. If Horace Greeley, no matter what his past record may be, is now acting with the party of the slave-holder, the party of the Ku-Klux, and the party of Rebel rights as against national power and loyalty, then Mr. Greeley is the man for the colored voter to help defeat as effectually as Mc Clellan was defeated in 1864, or Seymour

in 1868.

Nevertheless, it is worth while to look over General Grant's record as to the colored race, since it is found not merely to corroborate his present favorable attitude toward the race, but also shows that Grant was one of the negro's earliest, staunchest, most practicably valuable friends. And in doing so, we shall use, in the main, the language of a colored citizen of Washington, who has made the matter the subject of careful investigation. Writing in reply to an article in the personal organ of Gov

ernor Warmoth, of Louisiana, obviously written for the purpose of misleading the minds of the black population on this subject, he brings up the following facts:

THE

PROCLAMATION OF LINCOLN-GRANT'S EARLY

ACTION.

Mr. Lincoln, in his proclamation, warned the Rebels that he would, on the first day of January following, proclaim emancipation in those States where the people shall be in rebellion against the United States. That glorious proclamation he accordingly issued; but Kentucky, Tennessee and portions of Louisiana and Virginia were not included in it.

General Grant commanded the armies which were moving southward from Cairo and operating in Territory affected and unaffected by the proclamation. I find by consultation with an exofficer in that army, who knew all the orders issued, that General Grant was always up with or in advance of authority furnished from Washington, in regard to the treatment of persons of color, then slaves. Thus a large number of the Blacks, through

*The following order, issued at Fort Donelson as early as February, 1862, is an evample:

"General Orders, No. 14.

Headquarters District of West Tennessee, "FORT DONELSON, Feb. 26, 1862.

"I. General Order No. 3, series 1861, from headquarters department of the Missouri, is still in force and must be observed. The necessity of its strict enforcement is made apparent by the numerous applications from citi