of Africans in Christian countries as our fellowmen, the great evil of the slave trade does not cease and die of itself, then we shall be called upon with some show of propriety to answer the inquiry concerning the application of force.

IV,-Another objection, (one which may be supposed to have considerable weight with many minds in this country,) is, that on peace principles the leaders and agents in the American Revolution were wrong. In remarking upon this difficulty, we do not deny, that the leading men of the American Revolution were the true friends of their country; that they in general acted from public, and not from private and selfish considerations; and that they deserve on many accounts to be held in most respectful and affectionate remembrance. Furthermore, they were right in their principle, as we believe; and Great Britain was wrong. But we as firmly believe, (if we estimate the matter, not by the natural sentiments of mankind, but by the principles of the Gospel,) that they were wrong in the measures they pursued. And if they had pursued different measures, such as would have been entirely consistent with the spirit of the Gospel, and had persevered in them, we have no doubt that all the valuable results of the Revolution would have been ultimately gained.

The measure, most likely to have secured their object, would have been earnest, respectful, and patient remonstrance, combined with some measures of a negative kind, such as refusing to use those things which were unjustly taxed. Nor do we hazard much in this remark, since the course was tried in opposition to the early movements of British oppression, and with a great degree of success. The principle, for which our revolutionary fathers contended, was the acknowledged and important principle of the English Constitution, that the

right of taxation depends on representation. One of the first measures of the English ministry, after they had adopted the plan of taxing America, without, at the same time, permitting her to be represented in Parliament, was the imposition of stamp duties on most of the instruments in common use, which duties were to be paid to the officers appointed by the crown. This was in 1765. And what was the course, which was then pursued by America? Not a resort to violence, not an appeal to arms, not the shedding of blood, but simply earnest and patient remonstance, combined with a concerted and general abstinence from the use of stamps. The consequence was, that in due season the English ministry was changed, and the measure was abandoned.-Some years afterwards the English government tried again its measures of oppression by imposing a tax on tea and a few other articles. If the same course of remonstrance and abstinence from the use of the articles taxed had been pursued for any considerable time, we may reasonably suppose, that the same results would have followed. And not only that, the English people and the English Parliament would soon have felt and recognized the justice of our claims in other respects, and have conceded the great principle of actual American representation in the Parliament of England. This would have fully satisfied America for many years; but the time would have sooner or later arrived, when America by the full and free consent of Great Britain would have separated from the mother country and taken a stand among nations, without that vast amount of crime and misery which attended the war, and without that mutual jealousy and hostility, which have existed in a painful degree ever since.

We believe that this is a view of the subject, which candid and intelligent men are generally disposed to

take at the present time. Those, who are acquainted with the parliamentary history of England, know that America at a very early period had able advocates in Parliament, who maintained her cause on constitutional grounds, and that the public feeling of England, previous to the actual breaking out of hostilities, was setting strongly in the direction, which has been intimated. We have good reasons, therefore, for asserting and maintaining, that resistance to England on Gospel principles, the mere resistance of abstinence from the articles taxed and of respectful and persevering remonstrance, would have ultimately secured all those objects, which on worldly principles could only be secured, (and were in fact secured,) by a long series of hostilities, by tears and agony and blood. The objections, therefore, to the doctrines of peace, which are drawn from the facts of our Revolutionary history, are of no weight.

V,-Supposing says another objector, that a band of pirates should assail the town, of which you happened to be the responsible magistrate, what must be done then? This inquiry is answered with so much sincerity and eloquence in one of the last productions of the late lamented Grimké, that we cannot forbear quoting it. Most earnestly do we commend it to the serious attention of the reader. And we fully believe, if he has the spirit of the Gospel, he will not be at a loss, in what way a Christian should meet the attacks even of the most infuriated and abandoned assailants.

"Is it

A. has supposed me the Chief Magistrate of Charleston, and that the city was attacked by pirates. possible," he asks," that he could give such an interpretation to the Gospel, as to surrender the city?" Does A. seriously ask what I would do? Can he doubt? But I will tell him. A Christian Magistrate acknowledges the Bible as above all government, and the law of love and

erance.

forgiveness as above all human regulations. If he cannot hold his office consistently with the obligations of that book, and the teachings of that law, he will resign. That is precisely what I should do.-If my fellow citizens objected, I should tell them that I must do my duty. But if I had, on the contrary, a Christian people in spirit and in truth, on the principles of peace, I should make proclamation that all the churches be opened, and that prayer be offered by the clergy and all the pious, that God would be pleased to change the hearts of our invaders, and to manifest his power and mercy in our delivThat done, I should throw open the gate that fronted the enemy. Thence would I issue forth, not with a band of cavalry and infantry, as A. would do, but with all the clergy, and a long procession of Sunday School Teachers and Scholars, dressed in the white robes of peace, and chanting no battel song of "The Bruce," but the hymn of Christian faith and hope. Does A. believe me in earnest ? I appeal to his own heart. Will he not acknowledge that if ever" the effectual, fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much," it must be, it would be then? Can he doubt that such a spectacle would soften the hearts, and change the purposes of that "band of greedy, lustful, bloodthirsty pirates ?" Oh, that he were there: for he himself would bid me, with such a spirit, to trust myself and the city, not to the cannon and musket, but to God.

'Would not the force of truth and the power of faith and the pathetic beauty of the scene compel him to exclaim, "If ye are to fall, it is better to perish in the spirit of innocence, forgiveness, and love, praying, like Stephen, for your murderers, than to die suicides and murderers yourselves." Would he not say, as he stood in the rampart and beheld that Christian army, with its Christian music of holy song, would he not exclaim,

"The faith of a Roman mother saved Rome from Coriolanus, and shall not Christian faith save this city even from Pirates ?

He, and But they

'But let us reason a little on the supposed case: take A.'s mode of proceeding. Is he sure of success? all on his side argue as tho' they were sure. are not sure. The goodness of a cause does not command success.- "The race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong." Now I will grant that, in my case, I should not be sure of success. We are then on a level. A. will not say that I would not succeed. Now, suppose I do succeed; I have turned enemies into friends. Perhaps I have made such an impression on that sinful company, that they abandon their wicked lives and become Christian brothers. Suppose A. to succeed, what then? The survivors are implacable enemies, and will assuredly take a dark and terrible vengeance at some other time. There may be joy for the present, but no peace or security for the future. Besides, although he has sav'd the bodies of his fellow citizens, he has sent a hundred impenitent souls to the lake of fire. Is this to trust in God? Is this to love our fellow men? If there be joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth, more than over ninety and nine just men that need no repentance, what joy shall there be in hell over an hundred impenitent sinners, sent to perdition by the bayonets of Christian clergymen and their flocks.

But I may fail. Granted; and what then? Would we not die, the innocent by the hands of the guilty, the faithful by the hands of the unbelieving? Would we not die the death of the merciful, of the peace maker; and would we not have their reward? Would we not obtain mercy? and be called the children of God?

'But A's plan of defence may also fail. If so, will his city fare better than mine? Will he not acknowledge