pointed by the legislatures of the individual States, each of which sends two members, (apart from the consideration of their relative population,) they form in their aggregate, a representation of the several commonwealths comprised in the Republic, and are supposed to act as a counterpoise, or check between the federal executive, and the general representatives of the people in the other, or Lower House of Congress. They are generally men of talent, as of influence in their respective States, and number amongst them several of the most prominent public characters of the country.

A somewhat different description attaches to the Lower House, composed of members chosen from the great bulk of the population, in the ratio of one representative for every 70,680 persons in each State. To the majority a seat in Congress is purely a matter of trade-of mere mercantile speculation, in which the pecuniary advantages, as well as disadvantages are weighed, and carefully set one against the other; and in the end shares the fate of every saleable commodity in the hands of an American, being used for the purpose of increasing his temporal means-of ensuring his personal or individual advancement.

When taking into account the vast patronage of the executive, its power to remunerate the services and individual sacrifices of its supporters, it is, perhaps, only reasonable to expect, that the majority of this House, as the fact really is, are generally found the pliant creatures of his will, the ready instruments

of his

SALARY OF MEMBERS.

89

power, or or of any usurpation he may have the hardihood to attempt. Their legislative proceedings generally shew a lamentable deficiency of talent, of public virtue, as of gentlemanly decorum in their conduct to each other, as also in their order, or mode of transacting the public business; five-sixths of their time being consumed in personal and unworthy altercations, in violent strife, that frequently eventuates in the most unseemly abuse, or in direct personal conflict with each other; or is otherwise wasted in idle, frivolous, and interminable debates, which a stranger would feel some difficulty to understand, until assured that each of these modern lawgivers receives a sum of eight dollars per diem for their services, paid from the public purse for every day that the sessions may so continue its existence, and which he is the more apprehensive of bringing to a close by expediting its legislative business to its termination; for after all, eight dollars per day to an American, is a matter of some moment, particularly as the amount in settling up his account might very justly be classed under the heading of "nett profits," for which he seldom gives any fair, or adequate consideration.

Their proceedings are rarely published in the periodical, or daily press, except in an abridged and unusually condensed form; and are generally looked upon with a most stoical indifference by nine-tenths of the American people, who are seldom influenced in their habits, or local customs by the laws that may emanate from this source. Uncontrolled by public

opinion-uninfluenced in their conduct by any high or elevated purpose-seldom directed by what is called the public good, or the interests of their constituents, they mostly act without concert, without any previous arrangement; and preserving their individuality to the end, are generally unincumbered by an adhesion to the avowed or admitted policy, or measures of this, or any other party; whilst they are at all times enabled, by retaining the control and exercise of their own vote, to continue it in the market for the competition and further service of the highest bidder. Consistency, except in promoting their individual ends, is seldom an ingredient in their public conduct; and it is no uncommon exhibition > to find an "Honourable" representative (for all members of Congress are entitled to this anti-republican adjunct to their names,) of either House, opposing on to-day some general act of the Government, and on to-morrow, approving of the same measure in all its various and complicated details. There is no organized "constitutional" opposition, as in England, to watch the policy, and scrutinize every successive act of the administration; no marshalling of parties, supporting opposite and conflicting opinions; and eliciting in their collision that truth and sound judgment, that under such circumstances might be expected from their deliberations; and also forming from their divisional and comparative numbers, some criterion from which to judge of the political feelings and sentiments of the country. Here every man acts for himself, and by

MEMBERS OF THE ADMINISTRATION.

91

himself, upon his own individual responsibility; and it is not unfrequently the case, that the promoter, or mover of any public measure in the House, meets with his most determined opposition from the one, or other of the two representatives, seated immediately on either side of him.

All members of the administration, and those holding office under the Government, are ineligible to sit in Congress; lest, that they might be supposed to control the debates, or that the presumed bias in their opinions should interfere with the impartiality -the strict propriety of the vote they would be called upon as representatives of the people, to give

on all occasions. This morbid sensitiveness-this "straining at a gnat," possesses many countervailing disadvantages, occasioned by the absence at all times, of some acknowledged organ, or representative of the administration to guide, or take charge of all public measures originating with, or immediately supported by the Government; with the further inconvenience, caused by the frequent necessity of some responsible party to explain the views and intentions of the administration, which is thus brought to act more in concert with the people, to answer the numerous inquiries that grow out of almost every question, and that are incidental to almost every debate. It is surely no excuse, the difficulty or exposure that might result to the Government from this intelligent exposition of its views; instead of the refined special pleading, the ingenious sophistry with which they are now generally wrapped up, in

some unnecessary, diffuse, and verbose message of the President, or in the written explanations of some Government subordinate, as sometimes called for under the formulæ of a vote of either House. It is surely the people's right to possess this privilege with their rulers; for each representative to be informed in his place, and without the necessity of this special legislative interference on every occasion, of those measures of a public kind, the public disclosure of which might not militate to the public disadvantage. Such a course would remove the studied secrecy which now encompasses every projected measure of the administration, and put them to a test, that would disengage the valuable and good, from the dross and spurious admixture with which they are sometimes alloyed.

But this is a procedure, that we will be told by our American friends, is inimical to the spirit and principles of all modern republicanism; and detrimental to the full enjoyment of all rational liberty :dividing with the people the essential power of selfgovernment, which should always remain vested with them alone, and which forbids any necessary measure of legislation originating with the Executive; it being, as they conceive, a usurpation of the inherent rights belonging solely to either House of Congress. Such, we recollect to have been in accordance with the theory of Government-of ultrademocracy propounded by the late President Harrisson in 1841; so fully explained in his inaugural address to the nation, under an apprehension of the