with colonists from England and Scotland. Sir Arthur Chichester would have left the Irish in possession of their own territories, and only settled the new-comers here and there by agreement with them; but the commissioners recommended that large tracts should be completely handed over to the colonists, and taken away from the old inhabitants. In 1609 the scheme was ready. The escheated lands were divided into portions consisting of 1,000, 1,500, and 2,000 acres, and each large proprietor was bound to build a castle on his estate, and was forbidden to alienate his lands to Irishmen. Six counties were to be treated in this way -Tyrone, Coleraine, Donegal, Fermanagh, Cavan, and Armagh-and the natives were as a rule to be confined to the parts assigned to landholders of their own race, though in some cases they were allowed to remain on the grounds of the new-comers. Chichester, who was entrusted with the carrying out of these schemes, found himself in face of terrible difficulties, and could not secure that the natives should be treated with fairness and consideration. In 1610 he visited Ulster for the purpose of removing the Irish, and had to leave double garrisons behind him on his departure. In 1611 the work progressed better. The City of London had founded the colony of Derry, and every where things began to look more prosperous. It was even found possible to reduce the number of the troops. According to the original scheme, the division of the forfeited lands was to be as follows:-150,000 acres were to go to the English and Scotch Undertakers-who could have no Irish tenants; 45,500 acres to the servitors of the crown in Ireland, with permission to have either Irish or English tenants; while 70,000 acres were to be left in the hands of the natives.

Ac

S. R. Gardiner, Hist. of Eng., 1603–1642. Ulster Massacre, THE. The Irish rebellion of 1641 began with a sudden attack on the English settlers in Ulster, and their violent expulsion from their holdings. cording to the statement of Sir John Temple, 300,000 persons were destroyed between 1641 and the cessation of arms in 1643, of whom 150,000 perished in the first two months. Clarendon states that 40,000 or 50,000 of the English Protestants were "murdered before they suspected themselves to be in any danger or could provide for their defence." Other contemporary authorities give equally high figures. Mr. Lecky affirms that the figure of 300,000 exceeds by nearly a third the estimated number of Protestants in the whole island, and was computed to be more than ten times the number of Protestants that were living outside walled towns in which no massacre took place. Mr. Gardiner, while denying that there was any general massacre, or that the English were put to the

sword in a body, considers that about 4,000 persons were put to death in cold blood, and about twice that number perished in consequence of the privation caused by their expulsion.

S. R. Gardiner, Hist. of Eng., vol. x.; Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. ii.; Prendergast, Cromwellian Settlement in Ireland; Eighth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts. Hickson, Ireland in the Seventeenth Century (1884).

Umbeyla Campaign, THE. A fanatic conspiracy broke out in 1863 among the Sittana and other Affghan hill tribes. General Neville Chamberlain was unsuccessful against them, and was badly wounded in a battle near Umbeyla. Sir Hugh Rose then advanced against them, and General Garnock successfully assaulted Umbeyla and captured Mulka. On Christmas Day, 1863, the force retired, and the war was at an end.

Umritsir, THE TREATY OF (April 25, 1809), was concluded between the East India Company and Runjeet Singh. Its provisions were that the British government should have no concern with the territories and subjects of the Rajah north of the Sutlej; and that the Rajah should not commit any encroachments, or suffer any to be committed, on the possessions or rights of the chiefs under British protection south of it.

Underhill, EDWARD (d. circa 1549), known as the "Hot Gospeller," was a zealous Puritan, and one of the leaders of the insurgents in the western rebellion of 1549. He was imprisoned in Newgate by Queen Mary.

Undertakers, THE, sometimes called ADVENTURERS, were English gentlemen, chiefly from Devonshire, who undertook to keep possession of the lands forfeited to the crown in Ireland, or of lands which, though nominally the property of Englishmen, had been allowed to fall into Irish hands. The first attempt was made by a natural son of Sir Thomas Smith, in Ulster, about the year 1569; again by the Earl of Essex in 1575; but the result in both cases was failure. A similar attempt made by Sir Peter Carew and St. Leger in Munster, resulted in the outbreak of the great Geraldine rebellion. After its suppression the attempt was renewed; but this time the government insisted on two conditions, which were to be observed by the Adventurers; of which the principal were, that an English or Scottish family was to be settled on every 240 acres, and that no Irish tenants were to be admitted. But the Undertakers," among whom were Sir W. Raleigh and Edmund Spenser, observed neither condition. Hence when O'Neill's revolt broke out (1596), they had to fly. In the beginning of James I.'s reign, however, they came back again in greater numbers.

66

Undertakers OF 1614. When, in 1614, James I., crippled by a debt, which now amounted to £680,000, had determined to

call a fresh Parliament, Sir Henry Neville and certain others offered to undertake that the House of Commons then to be elected would grant the king the large supplies of which he stood so greatly in need. Others engaged to secure the return of members whose views were strongly in favour of the royal prerogatives. The people by whose means the votes of the House were to be won over to meet the royal wishes were called by the name of Undertakers, but appear to have been men of little influence. James's best counsellors-Bacon, for example-were from the first distrustful of the scheme, and the king himself, in his opening speech, disowned his connection with the Undertakers. Again, seven years later, he refers to them as "a strange kind of beasts, called Undertakers-a name which in my nature I abhor."

S. R. Gardiner, Hist. of Eng., 1603–1642. Uniformity, THE FIRST ACT OF, was passed Jan. 15, 1549, in spite of the opposition of some of the bishops. It ordered the use of the Book of Common Prayer by all ministers on penalty of forfeiture of stipend, and six months' imprisonment, with heavier punishment for second and third offences. Learned persons were, however, permitted to use Latin, Greek, or even Hebrew for their own private advantage; while university chapels might hold all services (except the Communion) in the same tongue "for the further encouraging of learning.' It was this Act that led in a great measure to the rebellion in the West of England in this year.

Uniformity, THE SECOND ACT OF (1559), 66 prohibited," says Mr. Hallam, "under pain of forfeiting goods and chattels for the first offence, of a year's imprisonment for the second, and of imprisonment during life for the third, the use by a minister, whether beneficed or not, of any but the established liturgy; and imposed a fine of one shilling on all who should absent themselves from Church on Sundays and holydays." It also confirmed the revised Book of Common Prayer, established by Edward VI., 1552, and inflicted heavy penalties on all who should make a mock of the new service, interrupt the minister, or have any other form used in Church.

Uniformity, THE THIRD ACT Or, was passed in 1662. This Act, after declaring that a universal agreement in the matter of public worship was conducive to the peace of the nation, bids all ministers in churches within the realm of England and Wales, use the Book of Common Prayer, and read the morning and evening prayers therein. All parsons, &c., holding any benefice, were publicly to read and declare their assent to the same book by St. Bartholomew's Day (1662), and if they refused were to be deprived of their livings. For the future all people presented to any

benefice are to make a similar declaration. Every incumbent was to read the services publicly at least once a month, under pain of a fine of £5. Every dean, university reader, parson, or schoolmaster or private tutor, was to make declaration as to the unlawfulness of bearing arms against the king on any pretence whatever, and to deny the binding force of the Solemn League and Covenant. Schoolmasters and tutors were not to teach before obtaining a licence from the bishop or archbishop in whose diocese they were. No one who had not been episcopally ordained was to hold a benefice after St. Bartholomew's Day, 1662. Heads of colleges and lecturers were to subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles, and declare their assent to the Book of CommON Prayer. In consequence of this Act more than 2,000 ministers resigned their preferments. Union. [POOR LAWS.]

Union of England and Ireland (1800). After the suppression of the Rebellion of 1798, the Union had come to be recognised, not only in England, but also by many of the Irish, as a necessary measure, if only in order to save Ireland from itself. But the interests of the country did not outweigh the interests of individuals, and these latter were determined not to allow their own interests to be overlooked in the general well-being of the country. It at once became clear that the opposition of interested individuals would be fatal to the scheme, unless they were bought off. The English government accordingly set about the gigantic scheme of purchasing the Irish boroughs. Seats were paid for at the rate of £750 each, nor did the total sum paid as compensation for consent to the scheme amount to less than one million and a quarter. "Peers were further compensated for the loss of their privilege in the national council by profuse promises of English peerages, or promotion in the peerage of Ireland. Commoners were conciliated by new honours, and by the largesses of the British government. Places were given or promised; pensions multiplied; secret service money exhausted." At length, by this wholesale system of political jobbing, the consent of the Irish Parliament was obtained, in spite of a few patriots, who still protested against "the sale of the liberties and free constitution of Ireland." The settlement of the terms of the Union did not occupy a long time. "Ireland was to be represented in Parliament by four spiritual lords sitting in rotation of sessions, by twenty-eight temporal peers elected for life by the Irish peerage, and by a hundred members of the House of Commons." The pledge to redress Catholic grievances, which had silenced the opposition of that portion of the community, had to wait thirty years for fulfilment, owing chiefly to the scruples of George III. But the restrictions on Irish commerce were removed, and her

laws were administered with more justice and impartiality.

May, Const. Hist.; Stanhope, Life of Pitt; Froude, English in Ireland.

Union of England and Scotland. For a century after the union of the crowns the two countries continued entirely separate kingdoms, with separate Parliaments. James I. and Bacon's attempt at legislative unity had proved signally unsuccessful. Under Cromwell the two nations had been for a time united under one legislature, but that union was severed at the Restoration, and Scotland replaced on the same independent footing as before. But after the Revolution it was seen that this state of things could not continue, and that as the two countries were now one in interest and in speech, they must also become one in law. The wisdom of William showed him the necessity of a complete amalgamation of his two kingdoms, but his death cut short his plans for carrying it out. Religious and commercial jealousies were still further impediments. The religious difficulty was an internal obstacle in Scotland itself. The hatred between the contending sects of Episcopacy and Presbyterianism had been fostered by the persecutions of the Restoration, and now each sect wished to be in the ascendant, and neither could brook the toleration of the other. The commercial difficulty lay between the two countries, and showed that the old feeling of hostility between them was not extinguished, and might on slight provocation again burst into flame. The English grudged the Scotch the advantages of an equal share of the trade with the colonies, and the Scotch refused to bear their part of the national debt. The Scotch Act of Security of 1703 showed only too plainly the unsatisfactory state of public feeling. From this Act the name of the Princess Sophia, the acknowledged heiress of the English throne, was omitted, and the proviso was made that no sovereign of England should be acknowledged in Scotland without giving full security for the preservation of the religious and trading liberties of that country. Jealousy of their country's independence led the Whigs to make common cause with the Jacobites, and in case of the queen's death there was great danger of both uniting in an effort for the restoration of the Stuarts. It was clear that a union was the only possible means of allaying the apprehension of a civil war. That the union was accomplished so successfully was due to the management of Somers. The Scotch proposal that the union should be federal was set aside, and it was resolved that as the two nations had virtually become one people, united by community of interests, so they should now become one in point of law, and as they already had one and the same sovereign, so HIST.-33

they should have one and the same legislature. Commissioners from both kingdoms were empowered to draw up the Articles of Union, which were twenty-five in number. The chief provisions of these articles were that on May 1, 1707, England and Scotland should be united in one kingdom, bearing the name of Great Britain; that the succession to the crown of Scotland should be in all points the same as had been settled for England; that the United Kingdom should be represented by one Parliament; that thenceforward there should be community of rights and privileges between the two kingdoms, except where otherwise agreed upon by the Parliament; that all standards of coin, weights, and measures in Scotland should be assimilated to those of England; that the laws of trade, customs, and excise should be the same in both countries; that all other laws of Scotland should remain unchanged, but with the provision that they might be altered in time to come at the discretion of the united Parliament. To these articles was added an Act of Security for the maintenance of the Scottish Church and the four universities. This Act required each sovereign on his or her accession to take an oath to protect the Presbyterian Church as the established Church of Scotland. The whole judicial machinery for the administration of the Scottish law system remained untouched, but henceforward there would be a possibility of appeal from the decisions of the Court of Sessions to the House of Lords. In the Parliament of Great Britain Scotland was to be represented by forty-five members sent up by the Commons, and sixteen peers elected by their fellows as representatives of the peerage of Scotland. The Articles of Union received the royal assent, and the first Parliament of Great Britain met Oct. 23, 1707. A standard, on which were blended the flags of both nations, the crosses of St. Andrew and St. George, which had been first projected by James VI. under the name of the Union Jack, was adopted as the national flag of the United Kingdom.

Burton, Hist. of Scotland, and Queen Anne. United Irishmen, THE. The plan on which this society was afterwards constituted was sketched by Russel and Wolfe Tone. Its object was to be the establishment of the "rights of man," and correspondence with the Jacobin Club in Paris, and the English Revolution Society. Reform and Catholic Emancipation were to be among its immediate objects. On July 14, 1790, it was organised, but its first actual meeting took place at the Eagle in Dublin on Nov. 9. Hamilton Rowan and Wolfe Tone were the leaders; Napper Tandy was secretary. After the French victories in 1792, they began openly to talk of rebellion, and raised a national guard. The meeting of the Catholic Committee was thought to be the signal of

war, but Fitz-Gibbon declaring the national guard illegal, only three men assembled in defiance of his proclamation. In the north the society made much show in green uniforms, but were disarmed in 1793. An attempt at a representative assembly was foiled by the Convention Bill. In 1794 they again began secretly to prepare for, revolt. Their organisation, now secret, consisted of county committees, baronial committees, and elementary bodies, with an executive directory of five members at their head. The heads of these bodies were changed every fortnight, and they only corresponded with and knew of their superiors. They had about a million members, but the very perfection of their organisation was its great fault, as the seizure of a few leaders would paralyse the whole body. One of their chief schemes was to debauch the fidelity of the Dublin garrison, and though they were unsuccessful in this, the militia were almost entirely theirs. In 1796 Hoche, whom Lord Edward Fitzgerald and O'Connor went to see, promised them French help, and they boasted at that time that they could muster 200,000 men. The seizure of Keogh in Dublin, and of others in Belfast, however, paralysed them, and when the French were at Bantry the country remained quiet. 1797 they had reorganised themselves, but General Lake, by disarming Ulster, again disabled them. This last step was taken in consequence of the report of a secret committee of the House of Commons; and at the same time a free pardon was promised to all the United Irishmen who surrendered before June 24. The Dublin men refused to rise at once, and in consequence the men of Ulster submitted. In 1798 the Catholics, with the concurrence of the Dublin committee, prepared to rise, but again the arrest of their leaders disconcerted their plans.

In

Froude, Eng. in Ireland; Life of Grattan ; Massey, Hist. of Eng.

United Kingdom. The adoption by James I. of the title "King of Great Britain' instead of "of England and Scotland," was part of his wider plan of bringing about complete union between the two kingdoms. As early as April, 1604, the English Parliament was asked to consent to the change of style. But fears were expressed lest the laws and liberties of England might not hold good in the new realm of Britain, and the Commons urged that some agreement as to the terms of the union should precede the assumption of the title. James yielded to the advice of Cecil, and deferred the change. Bacon, in Considerations Touching the Union, which he laid before the king in the autumn, suggested that it would be better to proceed by proclamation: "the two difficulties are point of honour and love to the former names, and the doubt lest the alteration may induce and involve an alteration in the laws and policies

of the kingdom. Both which, if your majesty shall assume the style by proclamation and not by Parliament, are satisfied; for then the usual names must needs remain in writs and records, the forms whereof cannot be altered but by Act of Parliament, and so the point of honour satisfied. And, again, your proclamation altereth no law, and so the scruple of a tacit or implied alteration of laws likewise satisfied." Accordingly on Oct. 20 James issued a proclamation: "As an imperial monarchy of these two great kingdoms doth comprehend the whole island, so it shall keep in all ensuing ages the united denomination of the invincible monarchy of Great Britain, and, therefore, by the force of our royal prerogative we assume to ourselves the style and title of King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland to be used in all procla mations, missives, treaties, leagues, dedications, &c.; and the inscription "J. D. G. Mag. Brit. F. et H. R." was placed on the coinage. James was, however, baulked in his attempt to bring about union, and the title did not receive Parliamentary sanction till it was adopted for the United Kingdom of England and Scotland in 1707. By the Act of Union (with Ireland), 39 & 40 Geo. III., c. 67 (July, 1800), the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland were constituted the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, which has been the official designation since.

For the measures of James, see Gardiner's Hist. of Eng., i. 177; Spedding, Letters and Life of Bacon, iii. 255. [W. J. A.]

United States, RELATIONS WITH. [AMERICAN COLONIES; AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE; AMERICAN WAR.]

Universities. The word universitas is in Roman Law the synonym of collegium. In the Middle Ages it was originally used of any body of men when spoken of in their collective capacity; but it gradually became appropriated to those guilds or corporations either of masters or of scholars, the earliest of which originated in that great revival of intellectual activity throughout Europe which began at the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the twelfth century. The idea of a university may be said to have originated at Bologna, where a university of students was formed in the course of the twelfth century. The schools of Paris date their pre-eminent position from the teaching of Abelard in the first half of the twelfth century: but there is no trace of the formation of an organised society or university of masters till towards the close of the twelfth century.

OXFORD was the earliest of the universities organised after the model of Paris, though in the division of the faculty of arts into Australes (South-countrymen) and Bercales (North-countrymen), each under its "Proctor" (who at the daughter-university of Cambridge long retained the name of “Rector",

there seems a trace of an earlier organisation on the model of the two universities, each with its own rector, of Ultramontani and Citramontani at Bologna. The legend which attributes the foundation of the University of Oxford, and even of University College, to Alfred the Great, is supported only by documents now known to be forged or interpolated. There is no trace of any schools of the smallest reputation at Oxford till about the year 1232, when the Paris doctor of theology, Robert Pulleyn, is said to have taught there. In about 1250 the Italian jurist Vacarius introduced the study of Roman Law. At the beginning of the following century we find the university fully organised on the model of Paris, with some important differences. At Paris the masters had to obtain their licence to teach, or degree, from the Chancellor of the Cathedral or of St. Geneviève. At Oxford the chancellor was chosen by the masters, but derived his authority from the bishop of the distant see of Lincoln. He, in fact, united the functions of the chancellor and the rector at Paris, and eventually became more powerful than either. He was from the first an ecclesiastical judge in cases affecting scholars. After the great "Town" and "Gown" battle of 1209, in which three scholars were hanged by the townsmen, the university gained its first royal charter of privilege, and its chancellor obtained a civil and criminal, as well as an ecclesiastical, jurisdiction. Each of those sanguinary street-fights, with bow and arrow, or sword and dagger, between clerks and townsfolk, which make up the history of mediæval Oxford, ended in the humiliation of the town and some accession to the privileges of the university. The chancellor eventually acquired (subject to an appeal to the university) cognisance of all cases in which a scholar was one party, except in cases of homicide or maim.

The students (who usually began their arts course at thirteen or fifteen) at first lived sometimes in lodgings with townsmen, but usually in " "halls 99 or "inns," which were boarding-houses kept by a master.

In 1249, William of Durham left a legacy to provide pensions for four Masters of Arts studying theology, a foundation which developed into "University College." Some time between 1263 and 1268, Balliol College was founded for poor students in arts, by John Balliol and Dervorgilla, his wife. It was, however, the far larger foundation, in 1264, of Walter de Merton, Bishop of Rochester, which really originated the English college system. The foundation of Exeter followed in 1314, Oriel (by Edward II.) in 1326, Queen's (named after Queen Philippa by Robert Eglesfield her chaplain) in 1340. William of Wykeham's splendid foundation (1386), still known as New College, introduces a new era in collegebuilding. After the foundation of Lincoln

in 1427 came All Souls' (1437), and Magdalen in 1458, founded, the former by Archbishop Chichele, the latter by William of Waynflete, both Wykehamists, and imitators of Wykeham. Brasenose was founded in 1509, Corpus Christi-designed to foster the "New Learning"-by Bishop Fox, in 1516. Christ Church was begun under the name of Cardinal College by Wolsey, and completed by Henry VIII. in 1546. Trinity (1554), which occupies the site of an earlier college for Durham monks, and St. John's (1555) are the offspring of the Marian reaction: Jesus (1571), Wadham (1609), and Pembroke (1624) of the Reformation. Worcester, on the site of the hall once occupied by Gloucester monks, dates from 1714. Keble, founded in 1870, is the monument of the "Oxford movement." The ancient Magdalen Hall was endowed and incorporated as Hertford College in 1874.

The colleges had originally been intended only as a means of support for poor scholars; but their superior discipline led to the practice of sending wealthier boys as "commoners,' or paying boarders, to them. The Reformation for a time nearly emptied the university; most of the halls disappeared, and the code of statutes imposed upon the university during the chancellorship of Laud, completed its transformation into a mere aggregate of colleges, by giving the "Hebdomadal Council" of heads of houses the sole initiative in university legislation.

of

From the time of the Restoration learning declined, and in the eighteenth century Oxford gradually sank into a state of intellectual torpor. The first sign of reviving life is the foundation of "Honour Schools," in classics and mathematics in 1807. And the "Oxford movement gave a great impulse to the intellectual, as well as the ecclesiastical, activity of the university. The era of University Reform begins with the appointment of a Royal Commission Inquiry in 1850. The Act of 1854 abolished the subscription to the Articles hitherto required at matriculation and on admission to the B.A. degree, and appointed an executive commission which abolished the local restrictions of scholarships and fellowships. abolition of tests for the higher degrees was delayed till 1871. The commission of 1877 founded or augmented professorships at the expense of the colleges, limited the tenure of "idle" fellowships, and almost completely removed clerical restrictions.

The

The stories which attribute the foundation of CAMBRIDGE to Cantaber, a mythical Spanish prince, or to Sigebert, King of the East Angles in the seventh century, are among the stupidest of historical fabrications. The first authentic notice of Cambridge as a seat of learning is in 1209, when some of the students who left Oxford, in consequence of the disturbances of that year, established themselves