court when, on the accession of Charles I., the Commons proceeded to vote it for one year only. The House of Lords rejected the bill on account of its innovating tendency, and Charles proceeded to try and levy the tax by royal authority, but the London merchants refused to pay it. A remonstrance was carried against this conduct in 1629, and, though Charles declared that tunnage and poundage was what he would not give away, and prorogued Parliament in order to avoid receiving the remonstrance, he was compelled in the following year to consent to an Act renouncing the power of levying the tax without the consent of Parliament. In 1641 the prerogative of levying customs on merchandise was abolished by an Act which granted tunnage and poundage for two months only. After the Restoration, tunnage and poundage was voted for life to Charles II. and James II., but only for limited periods to William III. In the reign of Anne it was made perpetual, and applied to the diminution of the national debt. It was finally abolished by Pitt's Customs Consolidation Act of 1787.

Tunstal, CUTHBERT (b. 1474, d. 1559), was made Bishop of London (1522), and afterwards of Durham (1524) by Henry VIII., who, after having employed him on various diplomatic missions, also named him in his will as one of the council of executors during the minority of Edward VI. In 1547 he was excluded from the council for his opposition to the party of the Reformation, and was shortly afterwards sent to the Tower for the same reason, though the ostensible charge against him was complicity in the schemes of Somerset. In 1553 he was released by Mary, and appointed a commissioner to inquire into the condition of the Protestant bishops, though he appears to have been a lenient inquisitor. On the accession of Elizabeth, Tunstal was deprived of his bishopric for refusing to take the oath of supremacy.

Froude, Hist. of Eng; Sharon Turner, Hist. of Eng.; Burnet, Hist. of the Reformation.

Turkey, RELATIONS WITH. The relations between England and the earlier Turkish kingdoms will be found under the head of Crusades. The dealings between England and the Ottoman Turks began with the reign of Elizabeth, when not only did commercial relations of some importance spring up, but the queen sought their assistance against the Spaniards. In 1579 three merchants (Harebone, Ellis, and Staple) visited Constantinople, and obtained for English merchants equal privileges to those of other countries. In 1583 Harebone became English ambassador to the Porte, and Elizabeth did not scruple in 1587 to invoke the aid of the Turks against the "idolatrous Spaniard and Pope." To these advances the Turks seem to have made no answer. Their State was already decaying, and Roe, James I.'s envoy, in 1622, tells emphatically how it

had become "like an old body, crazed through many vices." During the seventeenth century a renewal of vigour gave the lie to Roe's prophecy of speedy dissolution, and Puritan England, on the whole, looked with favour on the power that checked the Catholic Austrians on the Danube, and so saved Protestant Germany. Louis XIV.'s alliance with Turkey, however, turned things the other way. Yet at the Congress of Carlovitz (1699) the English ambassador did his best to minimise the cessions of Turkish territory, and Sultan Achmet III. expressed his strong sense of gratitude for the efforts made by the English in their behalf. The general alliance between England and Russia during the early part of the eighteenth century involved us in some hostility to the Turks. The government of George III. protected the Russian fleet, which in 1768 sailed to the help of the revolted Greeks, and its acquiescence in the partition of Poland implied approval of the aggressions against Turkey. During the Coalition Ministry Fox acquiesced in the annexation of the Crimea. At last Pitt started the policy of opposition to Russian aggression, and of consequent support to Turkey in its struggle against Catherine and Joseph II. In 1807 Duckworth's disastrous expedition to Constantinople was designed to punish the alliance of Turkey and Napoleon. After the close of the Napoleonic war, England's policy has constantly tended to support Turkey as a necessary bulwark against Russia, but the difficulties created by Turkish misgovernment, and the impossibility of cordially supporting so effete a system, have largely modified the general idea in practice, and Turkey, although helped, has never been really treated as an independent power. The Greek insurrection nowhere excited more sympathy than in England; yet England, after Navarino, drew back, and, while giving Greece her liberty, limited her power, and narrowed her frontiers. Similarly in 1832 it hesitated to help Sultan Mahmoud against Mehemet Ali, and then. after Russia had sent a force against the rebellious Egyptian, joined with that power and France in restraining his advances. In 1839 English support of Turkey, again attacked by Mehemet and Ibrahim, was more thorough and decisive. In 1840 England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia joined with Turkey in a treaty defining the terms of their intervention. An English fleet under Stopford and Napier bombarded Beyrout and Acre, and drove Ibrahim out of Syria. In 1854 the English joined with France in the Crimean War (q.v.) for the defence of Turkey; but the success of the allies could only postpone the decay of their protégé. In 1858 England recognised the practical independence of Roumania; yet in 1860 it assisted in maintaining order in Syria [LEBANON QUESTION], and in 1867 in subduing Crete. In 1877 the outbreak of Greek insurrections in

rustics, indignant at present and prospective treatment. Yet their conduct was comparatively free from violence. They demanded (1) the abolition of villenage, (2) a general pardon, (3) liberty to buy and sell untolled in all fairs and markets, and (4) the fixing of the rent of their lands at fourpence an acre. Next day Richard left the Tower, met them at Mile End, listened to the tale of their grievances, promised them all they asked, and persuaded them to go home, During his absence the Kentish men burst into the Tower, flooded its rooms, insulted the king's mother, dragged out Simon of Sudbury, Primate and Chancellor, Sir Robert Hales, and Legge, the farmer of the poll-tax, and had their heads struck off on Tower Hill. The ensuing night Richard passed at the Wardrobe; and next morning (June 15) he encountered the rebels in Smithfield. There, while parleying with the king and wrangling with Sir Robert Newton, Tyler was suddenly smitten down by Walworth, the mayor, and slain by the king's followers. Richard's coolness and tact disarmed the rebels of the fury that rose within them at this deed; he put himself at their head, led them to Islington, and by granting the required liberating charter on the spot, induced them to march away home. Meantime most of the other southern and midland counties were in arms, the nobility and clergy retiring into their fortified houses and leaving the open country to the mercy of the rebels; and murderous deeds were done in many places. But the insurgents of Norfolk, Cambridge, and Huntingdon met a redoubtable antagonist in Henry Spencer, Bishop of Norwich, who sallied forth, and striking fiercely at their roving bands, broke them in pieces one by one, capturing, trying, and sending to the gallows their most active leaders, notably the formidable John Lytstere, whom men called King of the Commons. Before these decisive measures and the news of the doings in London, the insurrection quickly subsided. Then the work of vengeance began. The charters were revoked-indeed, the king had exceeded his prerogative in granting themand the courts of law passed the autumn in handing over wretches to the hangman. Though the worst excesses of the revolt had been perpetrated by the political insurgents, these were gratified with a change of administration, while Parliament refused the really aggrieved and well-behaved rustics the redress they had sought. But their blood had not been shed in vain; the landlord class, made wiser by the terrible lesson, desisted from further prosecution of their claims, and allowed free play to the liberating tendency of the age.

Lingard, Hist. of Eng. Rogers, Hist., of Prices; Pauli, Geschichte von England; Stubbs, Const. Hist. [J. R.] Tyndall, WILLIAM (b. 1484, d. 1536), the translator of the Bible, was a student both at

Oxford and Cambridge, and at the latter University probably came under the influence of Erasmus. While tutor in the family of Sir John Walsh, in Gloucestershire, he translated the Enchiridion of Erasmus, and for that, and his known anti-clerical views, fell under the displeasure of the bishop. In 1523 he went to London and tried to obtain assistance for his projected translation of the Bible. Failing to do so, however, he sailed for Hamburg, and there printed his first two gospels. During the rest of his life he kept himself for the most part in retirement, in company with his friend Fryth, his headquarters being at Antwerp, where he was befriended by English merchants. In 1529 the printing of Lutheran books was prohibited by a treaty between Henry VIII. and the Governors of the Netherlands. At length he was seized, at the instigation of Henry, when he went beyond the liberties of Antwerp, and was burnt by the order of the Emperor. The first part of the quarto edition of his translation of the New Testament reached England in 1525, the Pentateuch, in which he was assisted by Miles Coverdale, in 1530, and four editions of his New Testament were printed at Antwerp in 1534. About forty editions were afterwards published.

Foxe, Acts and Monuments; Fry, Biographical Description of the Editions of the New Testament. Tyrconnel, RICHARD TALBOT, EARL OF (d. 1691), was one of the most dissolute and abandoned of the persons attached to Charles II.'s court. In 1660 he took the lead in the infamous plot to defame the character of Anne Hyde. In 1677, after being engaged in a long course of devious intrigues, he was arrested as a Catholic conspirator, and banished, In 1685, however, he was restored to favour, and created Earl of Tyrconnel, and the following year sent to Ireland as Commander-in-Chief. He now became the champion of the Irish Catholics, and went to England, and tried to persuade James to repeal the Act of Settlement. He returned to Ireland in Feb., 1687, as Lord Deputy. The magistracy, the judicial bench, and the corporations were at once filled with Catholics, and the troops encouraged in all excesses against Protestants. When the news of James' flight reached Tyrconnel in 1689, he raised over 100,000 men, and in February Londonderry and Enniskillen alone held out against him. At the Boyne he commanded the Irish infantry. In 1690 he was for abandoning Limerick, and left it to its fate as far as he himself was concerned, and went to France. In the spring of 1691 he returned to Ireland, and was received with great respect, though the Irish had asked for a more energetic leader, and though it was known that he hated Sarsfield and St. Ruth. The fall of Athlone was attributed to his favouritism of Maxwell, and he had to leave the camp and go to Limerick. After Aghrim

earldom thus passed through females to the house of Mortimer, and to Richard, Earl of Cambridge, the grandfather of Edward IV., with whom it became vested in the crown. In the thirteenth century Ulster was practically independent. The English posses

sions were confined to the outskirts of Down, Antrim, and Fermanagh, and a town or two in Donegal. The invasion of the Bruces in 1315 was followed by the loss of even these paltry districts, and the O'Neills did what they pleased in Ulster before the accession of the Tudors. Under Henry VII. Turlough O'Donnell and Conn O'Neill were disposed to be friendly to the crown; the descendants of the latter chieftain became Earls of Tyrconnel, while the former was made Earl of Tyrone. When the first attempt to introduce the reformed doctrines was made, the primacy was transferred from Dublin to Armagh, where the O'Neills could protect it. The power of that race, however, was soon to be broken. The earldom of Tyrone was conferred by the government on Conn's bastard son Matthew, to the exclusion of his legitimate son Shane. The latter was, however, chosen chief by the tribe, and having murdered his brother, maintained his rights against the Lord-Lieutenant Sussex, partly by arms and partly by intrigue. For a while he was allowed to administer Ulster as 66 captain of Tyrone," and used the opportunity to oppress the O'Donnells and the M'Donnells, Scottish settlers in Antrim. These tribes promptly espoused the side of the new lord deputy, Sir Henry Sydney (1586), and Shane, out-manoeuvred, was defeated and put to death by the M'Donnells. The earldom was granted to Matthew's son Hugh in 1587, and he was soon afterwards placed in possession of the territory. An able man, he formed a coalition, which relied on Spanish aid, of all the northern chiefs, together with the pretender to the honours of Kildare, against the English, and from 1595 to 1603 he waged a life and death struggle with the crown, which terminated in his submission on honourable terms. The province was, however, utterly ruined, and in the following reign he and his kinsman, the Earl of Tyrconnel, fled from Ireland in fear of the designs of the government. Six counties were thereupon declared to be forfeited to the crown, the minor chiefs were driven out on one pretence or another, and James set to work on the plantation of Ulster (q.v.), which was made with scientific precision, and was in consequence a success. Wentworth oppressed Ulster hardly less than the rest of Ireland, and he was especially severe on the Scottish Presbyterians. With the outbreak of the rebellion of 1641, Catholic Ulster at once sprang to arms under the brutal Sir Phelim O'Neill, who was afterwards superseded by Owen Roe O'Neill, a trained soldier. The latter in 1645 gained a considerable victory over Munroe, but the Irish parties began

quarrelling among themselves, and Cromwell's work was easy. After the massacre of Drogheda, the chief towns of Ulster surrendered one after another, and the rebellion in that district was rapidly stamped out by Coote, the Protector's subordinate. By the Cromwellian settlement, the remaining Catholic gentry were transplanted into Connaught, or shipped to Barbadoes; the Presbyterians also of Down and Antrim, who had shown Royalist sympathies, were compelled to migrate to Munster. Of the lands thus vacated Antrim, Down, and Armagh were partitioned between adventurers and soldiers, and the rest of Ulster was colonised by the soldiers, who were allowed to remain practically undisturbed after the Restoration, though the Presbyterians suffered considerable persecution under the last of the Stuarts. Hence it can hardly be wondered that after the Revolution the Protestants of Ireland should have chosen Ulster as the spot on which to make a stand, and that Londonderry and Enniskillen should have held out against James. From that time forward Ulster remained distinct in character from the rest of Ireland. It was more prosperous, a valuable linen industry having been founded there by Huguenot refugees under William III., which a narrow mercantile policy was not able wholly to destroy, and which revived when in 1779 the Volunteers won free trade for Ireland. It was also emphatically Protestant, in spite of the persecution of the Presbyterians, who fled in large numbers across the Atlantic. Lastly it was emphatically loyal, though it was frequently disturbed by turbulent associations such as the Whiteboys, Peep-o'-day Boys, Orangemen, and the like, and though the United Irishmen of 1798, and the Fenians of a later date, drew recruits from Belfast and Londonderry almost as freely as from Cork or from Limerick. Since the Union the condition of Ulster has been on the whole peaceful and prosperous; but the Repeal agitation, and of late years the Home Rule movement (in which the Ulster Protestants have been on the side of England and the English connec tion), have perpetuated the distinction between it and the rest of Ireland.

For authorities see articles on Connaught, Leinster, and Munster. Among those especially concerning Ulster may be mentioned Petty, Hist. of the Down Survey; Prendergast, Cromwellian Settlement and Tory War of Ulster: Shirley, Hist. of Monaghan; and Reid, Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland.

[L. C. S.]

Ulster, THE PLANTATION OF. The troubles of the early years of the seventeenth century, the flight of Tyrconnel and Tyrone, and other rebellions, had resulted in the forfeiture of a very large part of Ulster to the crown. In 1608 a commission was appointed to consider what should be done with these large estates, and proposed to colonise the whole district with "retired civil and military servants," and