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taken an English city, and permitted the natives to keep their dwellings, how could it have been recovered, but by the flaughter of our friends? A bomb might as well deftroy an Englishman as a Frenchman; and by famine we know that the inhabitants would be the first that should perish.

This infliction of promifcuous evil may therefore be lamented, but cannot be blamed. The power of lawful government must be maintained; and the miferies which rebellion produces, can be charged only on the rebels.

That man likewife is not a Patriot, who denies his governors their due praife, and who conceals from the people the benefits which they receive. Thofe therefore can lay no claim to this illuftrious appellation, who impute want of publick spirit to the late parliament; an affembly of men, whom, notwithstanding fome fluctuation of counsel, and fome weakness of agency, the nation must always remember with gratitude, fince it is indebted to them for a very ample conceffion in the refignation of protections, and a wife and honeft attempt to improve the conftitution, in the new judicature inftituted for the trial of elections.

The right of protection, which might be neceffary when it was firft claimed, and was very confiftent with that liberality of immunities in which the feudal conftitution delighted, was by its nature liable to abuse, and had in reality been fometimes mifapplied, to the evafion of the law, and the defeat of juftice. The evil was perhaps not adequate to the clamour; nor is it very certain, that the poffible good of this privilege was not more than equal to the poffible evil. It is however plain, that whether they

gave

gave any thing or not to the Publick, they at least loft fomething from themfelves. They divefted their dignity of a very splendid diftinction, and fhewed that they were more willing than their predeceffors to ftand on a level with their fellow-fubjects.

The new mode of trying elections, if it be found effectual, will diffufe its confequences further than feems yet to be foreseen. It is, I believe, generally confidered as advantageous only to those who claim feats in parliament; but, if to choose representatives be one of the most valuable rights of Englishmen, every voter must consider that law as adding to his happinefs, which makes his fuffrage efficacious; fince it was vain to choose, while the election could be controlled by any other power.

With what imperious contempt of ancient rights, and what audaciousness of arbitrary authority former parliaments have judged the disputes about elections, it is not neceffary to relate. The claim of a candidate, and the right of electors, are faid scarcely to have been, even in appearance, referred to confcience; but to have been decided by party, by paffion, by prejudice, or by frolick. To have friends in the borough was of little use to him, who wanted friends in the house; a pretence was eafily found to evade a majority, and the feat was at laft his, that was chofen not by his electors, but his fellow-fenators.

Thus the nation was infulted with a mock election, and the parliament was filled with fpurious reprefentatives; one of the most important claims, that of right to fit in the fupreme council of the kingdom, was debated in jeft, and no man could be confident of fuccefs from the juftice of his cause.

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A difputed election is now tried with the fame fcrupulousness and folemnity, as any other title. The candidate that has deferved well of his neighbours, may now be certain of enjoying the effect of their approbation; and the elector, who has voted honestly for known merit, may be certain that he has not voted in vain.

Such was the parliament, which fome of thofe, who are now afpiring to fit in another, have taught the rabble to confider as an unlawful convention of men, worthlefs, venal, and prostitute, flaves of the court, and tyrants of the people.

That the next Houfe of Commons may act upon the principles of the laft, with more conftancy and higher fpirit, must be the wifh of all who with well to the Publick; and it is furely not too much to expect, that the nation will recover from its delufion, and unite in a general abhorrence of those who, by deceiving the credulous with fictitious mifchiefs, overbearing the weak by audacity of falfehood, by appealing to the judgment of ignorance, and flattering the vanity of meanness, by flandering honefty and infulting dignity, have gathered round them whatever the kingdom can fupply of base, and grofs, and profligate; and raised by merit to this bad eminence, arrogate to themselves the name of PATRIOTS.

Taxation no Tyranny;

AN

ANSWER

TO THE

RESOLUTIONS AND ADDRESS

OF THE

AMERICAN CONGRESS.

[1775]

IN all the parts of human knowledge, whether ter

minating in science merely fpeculative, or operating upon life private or civil, are admitted fome fundamental principles, or common axioms, which being generally received are little doubted, and being little doubted have been rarely proved.

Of these gratuitous and acknowledged truths it is often the fate to become less evident by endeavours to explain them, however neceffary fuch endeavours may be made by the misapprehenfions of abfurdity, or the fophiftries of intereft. It is difficult to prove the principles of fcience, because notions cannot always be found more intelligible

than

than those which are queftioned. It is difficult to prove the principles of practice, because they have for the most part not been discovered by investiga- · tion, but obtruded by experience; and the demonftrator will find, after an operofe deduction, that he has been trying to make that feen which can be only felt.

Of this kind is the pofition, that the fupreme power of every community has the right of requiring from all its fubje&is, fuch contributions as are neceffary to the publick fafety or publick profperity, which was confidered by all mankind as comprifing the primary and effential condition of all political fociety, till it became difputed by thofe zealots of anarchy, who have denied to the parliament of Britain the right of taxing the American Colonies.

In favour of this exemption of the Americans from the authority of their lawful fovereign, and the dominion of their mother-country, very loud clamours have been raised, and many wild affertions advanced, which by fuch as borrow their opinions from the reigning fashion have been admitted as arguments; and what is strange, though their tendency is to leffen English honour, and English power, have been heard by Englishmen with a wish to find them true. Paffion has in its first violence controlled intereft, as the eddy for a while runs against the ftream.

To be prejudiced is always to be weak; yet there are prejudices so near to laudable, that they have been often praised, and are always pardoned. To love their country has been confidered as virtue in men, whofe love could not be otherwife than blind, because

their

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