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tions of our fleet, revived all the horrors of the Slave Trade. In 1842 the exports of slaves had sunk to 30,000, in 1843 they rose to 55,000, in 1846 to 76,000, in 1847 to 84,000. The trade had since augmented to such a degree that, in 1848, the number of slaves exported into Brazil exceeded the demand by 8000, stimulated as that demand had been by the legislation of the British Parliament admitting Brazilian sugar to the markets of this country. Under these circumstances, slaves being cheaper in Brazil than when the trade was unrestricted, of what value was our squadron on the coast of Africa? We had undertaken a task to which any amount of force was unequal to suppress a contraband trade which yielded higher gains than any other trade in the world. All experience demonstrated that no lucrative trade of this kind was ever suppressed by coercion. Sir Josiah Child, two hundred years ago, said, "He who would give a large price for any commodity shall obtain it by some means or other." Mr. Hutt then adverted to the testimony of Commodore Mansel and Sir C. Hotham, the Commodores of the African squadron, and other naval witnesses, as to the impracticability of putting down the traffic by force; observing that no witness, amongst those who held a contrary opinion, considered the present system a satisfactory one, though 25,000,000l. had been expended upon it, and we were still paying 700,000l. a year, and employing between thirty and forty vessels to maintain it. He objected to this country being engaged in an object in which we could co-operate with no other state, and were constantly trembling on

the verge of a quarrel with France and America.

Mr. Baillie seconded the motion, on the ground that this country was really deriving, in the shape of cheap sugar from the Brazils, a profit from the Slave Trade, and that by maintaining the squadron on the coast of Africa we cast a screen of respectability over our conduct as receivers of stolen goods.

Mr. W. Evans, who had given notice of an amendment, which he now withdrew, combated many of the facts put forward by Mr. Hutt, and disputed the correctness of his conclusions, urging that it would be an awful thing to leave the whole African coast exposed to the lawless piracy and ruffianism of slave-traders, and recommending, as a means of diminishing the expense of the squadron, the employment of smaller vessels.

Mr. Labouchere regarded this question as involving not only the cause of humanity, but the character and honour of this country, if our squadron was to be withdrawn from the coast of Africa without any substitute; and deprecated the announcement by the Commons of England, that hereafter this horrible traffic might prevail over every sea without let or hindrance. He believed the people of England would not acquiesce, from motives of economy, in such a retrograde and degenerate course, without the substitution of some other system. The squadron, it was said, had not succeeded in suppressing the trade. Nobody expected it would without other measures. But the withdrawing of the squadron, until other measures had time to come into operation and vigour, would aggravate the horrors of the Slave Trade, extin

guish the sede of erii:zan01 11 Africa, replunge tuat ennen n the worst horrors of "DUST and give a stimulus to seven II Cuba and Brazil. The arguner. that the exertions of the ran squadron had been useless was 11Consistent with the Cference that had taken place i the prices of slaves, the present m Cost of a negro at Cuba and Brazi Loving that a practical list and put upon the transport of ne lives of Africa across the Atlantic Mi Labouchere cited the testimony of Nir C, Hotham, a witness whose evidence had been invoked by My Hutt, to the evil effects of with swing the squadron without a substitute, drow a very encoukaging picture of the progress made mydising the races on the coast od Vivica, chiefly through the inthod of the republic of Liberia; and pointed out the inevitable conaopetova of the resolution upon pukalt growing colonies, which, subbing Boom a dearth of labour, tuhl leave for potend with foreign wapatacg countries comtop-boog ww unlimited supply of

balan at a cheaper rate. Aveauboy Herkeley, in sup

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Lord H. Vane supported the motion, not on the ground of economy, but from a caviction that the treaties with Spain and Portugal had been incperative, and that to make the blockade effectual it must be upon a vast scale.

Mr. Cardwell argued that this was a question whether we should at once and for ever surrender the

policy of years, and with it the hope of civilizing Africa. The ar guments founded upon the alleged futility of the operations of our squadron, and its expense, he undertook to refute from the evidence. He acknowledged that by a marine guard alone it was impossible to command a long line of Coast; but there were two other agencies at work-legitimate trade, and the higher influence of Christianity; and how could these agencies continue to work if deprived of protection? He then showed on how large an extent of the coast of Africa the Slave Trade bad ceased; that the price of

slaves had risen at Cuba through the interruption of the trade by our cruisers; that the number of slaves imported into the Brazils was not regulated by the demand, but by the facilities of escaping our squadron. The question resolved itself into this: make the Slave Trade easy, and it will be in the power of black, or Spanish, or Portuguese savages, to obtain better returns in human flesh than in palm oil. Finding such strong evidence of the progress of civilization and of legitimate commerce in Africa, he could not, as an honest man, take upon himself to paralyze the hands of those who had been instrumental in accomplishing these changes, by consenting to withdraw our squadron, and leave the coasts of Africa to the horrors of piracy as well as the Slave Trade.

Captain Pelham spoke in opposition to the motion, amidst frequent manifestations of impa

tience.

Mr. Gladstone, declaring his intention to vote in favour of the motion, observed, that it contemplated only the single treaty with France, which placed this country in a position so anomalous and preposterous as justified a motion to put an end to it. He joined with those who stigmatized the Slave Trade as a detestable traffic; but the system of armed repression had long ago been pronounced futile by Sir F. Buxton; it had been condemned by Lord J. Russell, and by the most responsible and credible witnesses. Was this to be made a permanent system? or would the House look the subject fairly in the face, and come to some decisive resolution? The opinion of Sir C. Hotham-who did not counsel the removal of the

squadron conditionally, but absolutely--was, that if the trade were stopped at one place, it broke out at another. The fact invalidated the argument founded upon the statement that parts of the coast were clear. Had the squadron extinguished the trade? No. Had it made a progress towards its extinction? That was the real issue; and Mr. Gladstone read statements of the prices of slaves, and of the percentage of captives in successive years, contending that the figures showed that there had been no progress, but rather a retrogression. Although the burden cast upon the people of England by this charge was not limited to 700,000l., that was not his main motive; he wanted to grapple with the question on the ground of humanity and philanthropy, and he had come to the conclusion, from evidence of which he gave the details, that the present system of repression did not diminish, but, on the contrary, had a tendency to increase, the sum of human wretchedness. Then he might be asked, what other course he would suggest? It was an indispensable condition, that there should be a general belief amongst other nations of our sincerity; but, having passed the Sugar Duties Act, he defied the Government to re-establish our reputation for sincerity. We must repeal that Act, double our squadron, obtain the right of search from France and America, with power to punish foreign crews; and lastly, we must force Spain and Brazil to fulfil their treaties. Without these conditions-and they were almost hopeless-the success of our squadron in Africa would be visionary.

Lord John Russell said, the

House was asked, at the end of a series of triumphs achieved in the cause of humanity, to take a retrograde step, proclaiming to the world that we no longer meant to take measures against the Slave Trade or to offer a substitute, thereby spreading discouragement throughout the world, in which there were other nations admiring and imitating our example. The renuncuation of our treaty with France would enable slavers to hoist the French flag, and the effect of the speeches of the mover and seconder was, "Let us have a free trade in slaves. Lord John questioned the correctness of Mr. Gladstone's in the comparison he had made between the existing Slave Para and that made under Sir en DV Den's Act, he had for* put the latter was a regu

Sir C. Hotham and Larson stated that the ngs of the slaves in the mii de passage would be aggravsten if the trade were unmolested In the matter of economy

it would be absolutely necessary to keep up some force upon the coast, for if there ever was a commerce which deserved protection it was that now springing up in the place of the Slave Trade. The removal of restrictions from that trade would destroy the hope of civilizing Africa, whilst it would so immensely increase the importation of slaves into Brazil, that our West India Islands would be unable to stand the competition. In reply to the question, what should be done to suppress the Slave Trade, Lord J. Russell said he did not despond. If the cause was good, and had gradually enlisted the nations of the world in its favour, he believed that it was anything but hopeless, and that nothing could destroy it but the want of moral courage on our part.

Lord R. Grosvenor stated, in a few words, his reasons for voting in favour of the motion; and Mr. Hutt having replied, the House divided, when the motion was negatived by 252 against 154.

CHAPTER IV.

AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.-Statement of Lord John Russell respecting Irish Distress, and the proposed mode of dealing with the distressed Unions and repayments of Advances-After some debate, the Ministerial Reso-lutions are agreed to-Bill founded thereon brought in and passed. ExTENSION OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENTARY FRANCHISE.-Origin and progress of the Measure-Bill brought in by the Secretary for IrelandIts general features-Debate on the Second Reading-Remarks of Mr. Napier, Mr. Hume, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. M. J. O'Connell, Mr Bright, and other Members-The Bill is read a Second Time nem. con.-It encounters a good deal of opposition in Committee-Various Amendments proposed, but, with slight exceptions, rejected—The proposition to reduce the Standard of Franchise according to rating from 8l. to 5l. is defeated by 142 to 90-On the Third Reading being moved, an animated opposition is manifested, but it is carried by 254 to 186-In the House of Lords the Earl of Desart proposes to raise the Standard of Franchise from 81. to 151.-Speeches of the Bishop of Down, Lords Stanley, Wharncliffe, Mountcashell, and Brougham, the Earls of Shrewsbury and Carlisle, Earl Fitzwilliam, and the Marquess of Lansdowne-The Amendment is carried against Ministers by 12 to 50—Lord Stanley then proposes and carries an Amendment affecting the Registration Clauses, by a majority of 16-On the Amendments coming down to the House of Commons for consideration, Lord John Russell moves the House to accede to a 121. Franchise as a compromise, and to reject the Registration Amendment-The House after a debate adopts that course-The Lords eventually consent to the alteration fixing the Franchise at 121. and to restore the Registration Clauses as before-The Bill passed. ABOLITION OF THE LORD LIEUTENANCY OF IRELAND.-Lord John Russell moves to introduce a Bill for that purpose-His Speech-Remarks of Mr. Grattan, Mr. Grogan, Mr. Fagan, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. B. Osborne, and other Members-Leave givenDebate on the Second Reading-Several Irish and other Members vehemently oppose the Bill-The Debate is adjourned, and important Speeches are delivered by Sir Robert Peel, Sir George Grey, Mr. Sheil, Mr. Disraeli, Sir R. Inglis, and other leading Members-The Second Reading is carried by a majority of 225, but the measure is ultimately thrown over to the following Session. CONFLICT AT CASTLE WELLAN.Lord Stanley brings forward a Motion in the House of Lords demanding an investigation into this affair, and arraigning the Irish Policy of the Government-His Speech-The Earl of Clarendon defends his own Administration at great length-Speeches of the Earl of Roden. Earl of Winchilsea, Lord Brougham, and other Peers-The Motion for Papers is acceded to without opposition.

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