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corn, meal, and flour to France, was dictated by France being notoriously a better market than any other, to which they had access; especially when they were to be conducted into the British ports, under the stigma of being culprit property. It will be necessary therefore, before the temper of the instructions be fairly appreciated, to compare the actual allowance in the English ports with the prices in the true port: to determine what the degree of damage is to a merchant, whose agent lives in France, to have his ship compelled into England; how long it may be before she can be accommodated to this unlooked for . situation; what capital may be rendered for some time inactive; what preparations for a return cargo may be ruined at the intended port; and what derangements may overtake an individual whose study and fortune have been fixed to one scheme * When all these items shall be assembled, then, and not till then, shall we know the rate of compensation which is afforded by the omission to confiscate. But, after all, the real question is, whether any belligerent power can thus setter neutral trade Nay, if the instructions had terminated only in the demand of security, one of the conditions, upon which vessels may be rescued from the admiralty, even this would have been vexatious. It is very rare, that security can be obtained in a foreign land, where neither an owner nor a correspondent resides without an hypothecation of the vessel. 3. In your letter of the 12th of September, 1793, you contend that the exception in favour of Denmark and Sweden has reference to existing treaties with those powers, and cannot therefore give just grounds of umbrage or jealousy to other powers, between whom and Great Britain no such treaties subsist. As the instructions in the instance of a blockade light upon the United States alone, of all the Atlantick nations, when our remonstrances upon the captures shall be heard, it will probably be again proounded, as it has already been, without any reply in your t letter; “what might not we on the same ground have withheld from Great Britain during the whole course of the present war, as well as the peace which has preceded it.” Reluctant as I am to kindle fresh contests, this topick will not at present be dilated. But surely to exact the last iota of a right awakens an unsocial feeling.

4. It is of no consequence, nor do I pretend to ascertain, from whom we have received the first injury. Complaints against one nation cannot be discharged by severity from another. But Mr. Pinckney argued with fitness, that if the United States acquiesced in the instructions of Great Britain, as being consonant to the law of nations, they must acquiesce in the pleasure of all the world, who by waging war may destroy every foreign market. From any other people, whose acts offend us, we shall expect satisfaction. We expect no more from you.

No, sir, we have laboured to cultivate with the British nation perfect harmony. We have not attempted by a revival of maxims, which, if ever countenanced, arc now antiquated, to blast your agriculture or commerce. To be persuaded, as you wish, that the instructions of the 8th of June, 1793, are in a conciliatory spirit, is impossible. And be assured, sir, that it is a matter of sincere regret to learn the intention of your government to adhere to them, notwithstanding our representations, which utter, as we flatter ourselves, the decent but firm language of right. I have the honour, sir, to be, &c.

EDM. RANDOLPH. Mr. Hammond, Minister Plenipotentiary.

True copy, GEO. TAYLOR, Jew.

MESSAGE

TRO-M THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS, MAY 20, 1794.

In the communications, which I have made to Congress during the present session, relative to foreign nations, I have omitted no opportunity of testifying my anxiety to preserve the United States in peace. It is peculiarly, therefore, my duty at this time to lay before you the present state of certain hostile threats against the territories of Spain in our neighbourhood.

The documents which accompany this message, develop the measures which I have taken to suppress them, and the intelligence, which has been lately received.

It will be seen from thence, that the subject has not been neglected; that every power vested in the Executive on such occasions has been exerted; and that there was reason to believe, that the enterprise, projected against the Spanish dominions, was relinquished.

But it appears to have been revived upon principles which set publick order at defiance, and place the peace of the United States in the discretion of unauthorized individuals. The means already deposited in the different departments of government, are shown by experience not to be adequate to these high exigencies, although such of them as are lodged in the hands of the Executive shall continue to be used with promptness, energy and decision proportioned to the case. But I am impelled by the position of our publick affairs to recommend, that provision be made for a stronger, and more vigorous opposition, than can be given to such hostile movements under the laws as they now stand. GEO: WASHINGTON.

To his Excellency the Governour of Kentucky. Philadelphia, August 29, 1793.

Sir,—The commissioners of Spain, residing here, have complained to the President of the United States, that certain persons at this place are taking measures to excite the inhabitants of Kentucky to join in an enterprise against the Spanish dominions on the Mississippi; and in evidence of it, have produced the printed address now enclosed. I have it, therefore, in charge from the President to desire you to be particularly attentive to any attempts of this kind among the citizens of Kentucky, and if you shall have reason to believe any such enterprise meditated, that you put them on their guard against the consequence, as all acts of hostility committed by them on nations at peace with the United States are forbidden by the laws, and will expose them to punishment: and that in every event, you take those legal measures which shall be necessary to prevent any such enterprise.

In addition to considerations respecting the peace of the general union, the special interests of the state of Kentucky would be particularly committed, as nothing could be more inauspicious to them than such a movement, at the very moment when those interests are under negotiation between Spain and the United States. I have the honour to be, &c. TH: JEFFERSON.

Kentucky, Oct. 5, 1793. Sir,—I have just now been honoured with your favour of the 29th of August, wherein you observe, that the Spanish commissioners have complained to the President of the United States, that certain persons are taking measures to excite the inhabitants of Kentucky to join in an enterprise against the Spanish dominions on the Mississippi. I think it my duty to take this early opportxinity to assure you, that I shall be particularly attentive to prevent any attempts of that nature from this country. I am well persuaded, at present, none such is in contemplation in this state. The citizens of Kentucky possess too just a sense of the obligations they owe the general government, to embark in any enterprise that would be so injurious to the United States. I have the honour to be, &c.

ISAAC SHELBY.

The Hon. Thomas Jefferson, Esq.
Secretary of State.

To his Excellency the Govcmour of Kentucky. Gcrmantown, November 6, 1793.

Sir,—I have received from the representatives of Spain here information, of which the following is the substance. That on the second of October, four Frenchmen of the names of La Chaise, Charles Dclpeau, Mathurin, and Gignoux, set out in the stage from Philadelphia fbr Kentucky, that they were authorized by the minister of France here to excite and engage as many as thev could, whether of our citizens or others, on the road or within your government, or any where else, to undertake an expedition against the Spanish settlements within our neighbourhood, and in event to descend the Ohio and Mississippi and attack New Orleans, where they expected some naval cooperation: that ihey were furnished with money for these purposes and with blank commissions to be filled up at their discretion. I enclose you the description of these four persons in the very words in which it has been communicated to me.

Having laid this information before the President of the United States, I have it in charge from him to desire your particular attention to these persons, that they may not be permitted to excite within our territories, or carry from thence any hostilities into the territory of Spain. For this purpose, it is more desirable that those peaceable means of coercion should be used which have been provided by the laws, such as the binding to the good behaviour these, or any other persons exciting or engaging in these unlawful enterprises, indicting them, or resorting to such other legal process, as those learned in the laws of your state, may advise. Where these fail, or are inadequate, a suppression by the militia of the state has been ordered and practised in the other states. I hope that the citizens of Kentucky will not be decoyed into any participation in these illegal enterprises against the peace of their country, by any effect they may expect from them on the navigation of the Mississippi. Their good sense will tell them, that that is not to be effected by half measures of this kind, and that their surest dependence is on those regular measures which are pursuing and will be pursued by the general government, and which flow from the united authority of all the States.

I have the honour to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

Le signalement du Sicur La Chaise, taille de 5 pieds 9j pouces, figure allongfee, cheveux rond, grand favorisc, taille bien faite.

Signalement de Delpeau, taille de 5 pieds 9 pouces, figure allongee, les yeux enfoncees, grand cheveux allonge, tin peu hlondin, pale de la figure.

Signale de Gignoux, taille de 5 pieds 6 pouces, cheveux "et sourcils chaten, nes gros, bouche moyenne menton rond.

January 13, 1794. Sir,—After the date of my last letter to you, I received information that a commission had been $ent to general

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