of all arms had been transported thither, of whom 5000 were of PortoRico,

"The forces in the island of Cuba, including the militia, amount to 10,995 men, and 977 horses; those in North America to 41,036 infantry and cavalry, who occupy an extent of 82,142 square leagues. Lastly, by adding the troops which are on other stations of South America, consisting of about 10,178 men, who form the garrisons of the Philippines, it will be found that the army in the colonies amounts to 96,578 men, and 8419 horses. The garrisons in America are in the worst possible state."

The Minister of Marine gave an account in his report of the dilapidated condition to which his department had been reduced: he urged the necessity of regenerating this most important branch, and of increasing it to the highest possible pitch, by building as many ships as the state of the finances will admit. He referred to a proposition submitted to the former Cortes, to increase the navy to 20 ships of the line, 20 frigates, 18 corvettes, 26 brigantines, and 18 sloops of war.

The Minister of the Finances entered into a long and complicated statement. He rendered an account of the state of the Treasury on the 9th of March, explained the available resources, and pointed out a practicable mode of supplying the deficiencies. He proposed some modification of the dotations to the Royal family, and solicited the approbation of the Cortes to a

Bearing interest,
Not bearing interest,

The civil list was allowed to remain without any reduction at 45,000,000 reals (506,000l.) but the estimate for foreign affairs was cut down from 18

loan of 40,000,000r. opened by the King,and towards which only 5,000,000 had been subscribed. He described the wretched state of the finances, indicated the mode of improving the system, and the difficulties opposed to a reformation. He specified the abuses

and one of the principal, the taxes imposed as merely provisional, and which were never suppressed in Spain. Hence the necessity of consulting the opinions and the abilities of the people before they should be subjected to a new plan of taxation. He explained the causes which were opposed to the establishment of direct contributions, and mentioned the indisposition of the clergy, the nobility, and persons in office, to contribute their proportions, as one of the principal impediments. He demonstrated the necessity of a reform, and to give publicity to every thing connected with the finances. The Minister concluded his report by pointing out the inaccuracy and the inutility of custom-house codes; the injurious and mischievous tendency of the prohibitory laws: he proposed the union of the department of the Posts to that of the Finances, and reprobated the absurdity of the penal laws with regard to the system of finance.

In detailing the procedure of the Cortes, we shall begin by endeavouring to give a view of the manner in which they sought to remedy the distressed state of the finances. According to the report of the Committee, the debt of Spain was (in round numbers,)

from 375 to 330 millions. The entire estimate of expenditure amounted to 702,802,000 reals, while that of revenue did not exceed 530,394,000 reals, leaving a deficit of 172,408,000 reals, (1,939,580.)

The measure by which the Committee proposed to meet this unfavourable state of the national finances, was of a very critical and dubious nature. They expressed their belief that the plan proposed with regard to church lands, and the ameliorations introduced by the Cortes, would shortly relieve the nation from its present financial pressure; that in the mean time the urgent object was to meet the existing distress. They conceived that the sys. tem of loan, however much to be generally deprecated, above all in time of peace, was justified by this peculiar concurrence of circumstances. It was proposed to raise a loan of 200,000,000 reals, (2,250,000l.) to provide for the exigencies of the following year.

The most important measures of the Cortes were those which related to permanent reforms in the political system of Spain. The greatest check to agricultural improvement arose from the enormous extent of the system of maiorats or entails, which had been prompted by the ancient over-weening pride of the Spanish grandees. This system, which began only in the thirteenth century, now extended over by far the greatest part of the lands in the kingdom. The accumulation of property was accordingly immense; nearly the whole province of Andalusia was the property of three of the great nobles. This system was at once unfavourable to all improvement in cultivation, and prevented the growth of any independent and respectable body of small proprietors. The Committee to whom this subject was referred, proposed to render all lands in the kingdom so far free, that their possessors might dispone the whole to their

own children; but to strangers they could dispone only one half. No new entail could be founded but by the express permission of the Cortes, which was to grant it only for weighty reasons, such as important services rendered to the country. No new entail was to exceed, for the Spanish grandees, 80,000 ducats of annualrent; for titled persons 40,000; for private individuals 20,000. No entail could be made for less than 6000 ducats.

This law, after a long and animated discussion, passed on the 12th October. Some displeasure was felt by those nobles who had the greatness of their order deeply at heart; but as it caused no personal inconvenience to any, and afforded to many of the greatest proprietors the means of freeing themselves from large debts in which they were involved, it never gave rise to any serious dissatisfaction or complaint.

The case was different with regard to the measure which came next under discussion. The enormous accumulation of property in the hands of the religious orders, was another evil under which Spain had long groaned. In 1769, there were found to be in that country 2051 convents, and 61,327 monks and nuns, nor was there any reason to suppose that the number had diminished since that time. The wealth of these orders presented also a tempting prospect of relieving those finan cial embarrassments under which the nation so deeply laboured. Under the impulse of these views, a proposition was brought forward for the entire suppression of the religious orders, and for declaring their property national. This measure was supported, not only by the Count de Toreno, and other lay deputies, but even by Castrillo, the auxiliary bishop, who declared, that however painful the proposition was to his feelings, he conceived himself

bound to support it, as eminently conducive to the public good. In proof of the legality of the measure, orders were quoted, made at different eras, either to prevent new foundations, or to reform those that already subsisted, Many states, it was observed, had recognized the principle of the sale of ecclesiastical property, and even the Kings of Spain, Charles III. and Charles IV. had recourse to it, at a time when the national debt was much less than now. On the other hand, it was urged, that the right of property in corporations was as sound as in individuals; that the regular clergy formed an essential part of the Catho⚫ lic religion; and to destroy the one was to attack the other. The individual distress which would thus be caused, was also much insisted upon. Remonstrances against this measure were addressed to the Cortes by the generals of the Capuchins, and of the Franciscan orders; the one distinguish ed by its moderation, and the other by its fulminating zeal. Notwithstand ing all opposition, the law was adopted on the 1st October. All the orders were suppressed, and only eight convents were preserved to maintain the divine worship in some ancient and ce. lebrated sanctuaries. The monks secularised were to receive from 100 to 400 ducats, according to their age and situation. There was a prohibition to found any convent,-to admit any profession and upon monks to take any

VOW.

This innovation in itself, and in the abstract, was satisfactory and necessary for Spain; yet as respects the manner and degree in which it was carried into execution, it can scarcely be denied to be premature and precipitate. Monastic establishments had been as it were interwoven into the whole frame of Spanish society. A great part of the population, and not the worst part, still looked up to this body

as their oracles. Before violently sub, verting an institution rendered vene rable by so many ages duration, time should have been allowed to sap it by the gradual diffusion of knowledge and liberal ideas, through the influence of the new institutions. As it stood, this numerous body, holding such sway over the public mind, were turned loose with hearts rankling with the deepest bitterness against the government from which they had experienced such treatment. All the glories of the order were now annihilated; its members reduced to a state of comparative beg gary; and the numerous mendicants who were accustomed to receive supplies at the convent gates, were thrown into a state of absolute destitution. These suffering classes have ever since maintained a perpetual fomes of insur rection, which has deprived the consti tutional government of stability and tranquillity, and has only been sup pressed by exertions, to which their means and resources were very inadequate.

If we censure this proceeding of the Cortes as rash and ill-timed, there are others which we must stigmatize as essentially and radically evil. In a system which professed to be entirely founded upon liberal principles, it might have been expected that free trade would have formed an essential element. The country of Ustariz, of Campomanes, and of Jovellanos, seemed ripe for an enlightened system in this branch of economy. Those great men were however no more, and their mantle had not fallen on any of the present generation. On the contrary, every nerve was strained by the Cortes, to carry to a greater height that system of monopoly, by the action_of which Spain had been undone. Resolutions were adopted by that assembly, and exhortations addressed to the Royal Family, to wear nothing but of Spanish manufacture. In the com

mercial regulations, the leading prin ciple was made to be, that nothing which Spain could produce within itself, should be allowed to be imported. Particular care was taken to keep down the intercourse with France, the country of all others from whose trade Spain might have derived the greatest benefit. This system was every way ruinous. It crushed the germs of that prosperity which would have been the natural consequence of freedom and security of property; while the distress generated by it threw a general discredit upon the constitutional system to which it was imputed. In consequence of it also, the financial embarrassment instead of being remedied grew more and more severe. The contraband trade, which had always been one of the greatest scourges of Spain, was trebled; and with it those habits of tumultuous and irregular assemblage, which passed by an easy transition into insurrection. Thus, this voluntary sacrifice of her trade, not only impoverished Spain, but proved one of the strongest bars to the preservation of that tranquillity which she ought to have sacrificed almost any thing to maintain.

The establishments for education were carried by the Cortes to a laudable, almost excessive extent. There were to be three gradations of schools throughout the kingdom; the first for elementary instruction, of which there was to be one for every five hundred families, and where the catechism of the constitution was to be carefully taught. The second degree was for those destined to public employments; in these were taught the ancient and modern languages, history, and politi cal economy. The third degree was forcertain specialand profound studies. The law on the liberty of the press allowed the publication of all works except those upon religion, which the bigotry of the nation still subjected to

a

previous censorship. There lay, however, an appeal even on these to a supreme junta established for the protection of the liberty of the press.

These deliberations were checquered by events belonging rather to the executive than legislative department. The army of the Isle of Leon, proud of the share they had taken in achie ving national liberty, considered them. selves still as its guardians. Since the nomination of Quiroga as a deputy, Riego had taken the command; and his enthusiastic disposition having led him to embrace the highest principles of liberalism, he was looked upon by the clubs of Madrid as their sure and powerful supporter. There appeared a very evident danger, that this army might assume a prætorian character, and might become dangerous both to prince and people. The Minister at War, therefore, formed the bold resolution of dissolving it; and as this step was taken with the approbation of Quiroga, while Riego was soothed by the ap pointment of Governor-general of Galicia, it was hoped that the arrangement might be tranquilly effected. Riego, however, saw in it the downfall of his influence, and, as he imagined, new dan. gers to liberty. He hastened to Ma drid, and presented to the King a petition from the army against its dissolution, intimating at the same time his own refusal of the government of Galicia. He was received with the most rapturous applause by the clubs and the multitude, and continued for eight days the hero of Madrid. Intoxicated with this homage, he gave way to an irregularity which alarmed all moderate men. Being one evening at the theatre, his aides-de-camp began to sing a violent democratic song, called from its chorus, Traga la, perro, " swallow it, you dog," composed at Cadiz, in hatred of the nobles. The political chief having endeavoured to put a stop to this exhibition, Riego interposed in

à

favour, and a violent tumult arose, ich was continued during a great t of the night. The government, ermining hereupon to take the most orous measures, withdrew from Riethe offer of the command in Gali, and sent him into an honourable le at Oviedo. Riego now addressa long memorial to the Cortes, in ich he represented the services rened by the army of the Isla to the ise of liberty, and urged that its pport was still necessary against the merous enemies of the constitutional stem. "I beseech," said he, "the Naonal Congress to take into consideraon these short reflections, to examine e opinion of Andalusia, that of the my, that of fore-sighted and judici is men, and then to consider whether e time has arrived for deciding that rcumstances have changed, that the ws are in their vigour, and that the onstitution is triumphant in all its

arts.

"The disgust of an army is contaious. The distrust of one province asses to another. The public mind is gitated; and, when concord is the nost necessary, the most fatal disunion as been introduced. It was my duty to nake these explanations to the government, and likewise to the Cortes, who ought always to watch over every thing that influences in so visible a manner the well-being of our country. I have fulfilled these two sacred obligations. I have done all that was in the power of a lover of the laws, to avoid disorders and misfortunes. Those calamities which may perhaps arise from general distrust will not be my work. Would to Heaven that my suspicions were only those of an extravagant mind, and that we may never have occasion to seek in vain for that physical and moral force which is our support-a force, the importance of which is either unknown, or too much depreciated. For my part, having been the mark of unjust preju

These representations had no influence on the Cortes, which adhered to the resolution of ministers; and Riego had no alternative but to depart for Oviedo. His associates, San Miguel and Velasco, were at the same time sent to Zamora and Valladolid. The dissolution of the army was then effected; but the Cortes agreed, that liberal allowances, both in land and money, should be given to the disbanded troops, in proportion to their length of service. Although these measures were effected by government, yet the clamour of the clubs against the Minister at War was so violent, that he was induced to give in his demission.

These tumults induced the ministry to bring in a proposition to the Cortes for repressing the licence of the clubs;and notwithstanding the strenuous opposition of the liberals, it was carried on the 14th October, by a majority of 100 to 45. The meetings of these so cieties were only to be held upon notice given, and permission received, from the local authorities, and under their superintendance. The individuals thus assembled were in no case permitted to form corporations, or to speak in the name of the people; nor were they to hold correspondence with any similar body.

Towards the close of the session, which, in consideration of important business under consideration, was con