generally, would be liable to insuperable objections; and that his Majesty's ministers had made concessions which might be considered as having, in some degree, if not entirely, got rid of this difference. With respect to the Liturgy, he was far from undervaluing that difficulty, though it was a great relief to his mind, that, upon consideration, it did not strike him as affecting any religious view of the subject. No person thought more highly than he did, of the mention of her Majesty's name in the Liturgy. He did think there was something truly honourable in such a circumstance; and especially when it occurred in that admirable form of worship, and those unalterable forms of prayer, which so eminently distinguished the Protestant religion, as practised in this country; but yet more especially as it occurred in that beautiful form of supplication where all distinctions of men, in some degree, were forgotten, as if it were supposed that they all appeared before their Creator under that equal and common character -a just sense of which, was the best preparation for their general destiny. He held it an honour to be in any way connected with such a form of prayer. He believed it had been the ancient usage and common rule of the liturgy to pray for each of the royal personages, separately naming them: this, he admitted, had been the custom. But he did not think it could be contended that her Majesty was in fact omitted in the prayer; for if in the prayer the words used were, "the King and all the Royal Family," her Majesty must be considered, he should apprehend, to be one of them, and consequently to be included. The Duke of York was the heir-presumptive to the Crown; but with that real and unaffected kindness, and that feeling of candour and simplicity which marked all the actions of that illustrious

individual, his royal highness, if he had been rightly informed, had wished and permitted that his name should be left out of the service. He meant nothing by these observations, except that it could not be contended that her Majesty was excluded from the prayers of the congregation. It appeared to him clear, that her Majesty's advisers had never treated this point as one to be insisted upon on religious principles; they had never brought it forward, indeed, till they came to the discussion of minor points. They admitted that some other concession might be an equivalent for it. All his desire was to avoid the horrors of that fatal green bag!-(A laugh.)—The laughter of gentlemen around him only shewed, that when the mind had once imbibed a ludicrous association of images, it would still retain it, even in the most serious moments. For himself, if he had unknowingly and involuntarily joined in that laughter, he could only say, that though there might be a smile on his lips, there was a pang at his heart, while he contemplated the deplorable consequences which must ensue if the contents of that bag should ever be examined. But there was one part of these conferences which gave him consolation in the midst of his distress: there was something which cheered and consoled the dreary prospect that lay before him-a ray of comfort which illuminated that appalling darkness that had hitherto pervaded this melancholy subject. When he found mention made of the recognition of her Majesty's rights, and the vindication of her character, it directly struck himwhat recognition of her rights-what vindication of her character-could be more effectual or more honourable than that she should receive from the House of Commons, from the Parlia ment of this country, the assurances, that, if she would make a sacrifice of

her feelings, upon a point which had been made one of the grounds of the differences that had prevented accommodation, it should not be construed into any abandonment of her rights, any concession of her cause, any departure from the principle of her defence, but as a sacrifice made to the anxious desires of the country, and to the expressed wishes and authority of Parliament? He begged all honourable members to consider maturely what would be the consequences of the rejection of his motion-that there was no alternative but an inquiry. The deference already shewn by the Queen to the opinion of Parliament, did her the highest honour. True it was, that her Majesty was not a native of this country; but he was sure that there was enough English stuff in her composition to induce her to make some sacrifices of feeling-not of character for the sake of securing the good opinion of the vast majority of her subjects. Oh! what benefits might not result from an amicable adjustment! He should, indeed, reckon himself the most fortunate man that ever lived, to be the instrument of such an arrangement. Let gentlemen reflect, that there was only a choice of evils, and those of pressing the inquiry to its termination would be incalculable. On a former night, an honourable friend, (Mr Brougham) with the utmost degree of force and impressiveness, (perhaps greater than any other man possessed,) had adverted to the amount and extent of those evils; but the statement of them, eloquent as it was, was far below their reality. He was in fairness bound to state, that the courage, the magnanimity, her Majesty had displayed during these transactions, might well stand her in the stead of the points that she might abandon. If he drew out his arguments to a tedious length, he hoped gentlemen would excuse him by con

sidering that dreadful alternative that awaited the rejection of his motion. If it were dismissed, nothing remained but the prosecution of that dreadful inquiry. Let the House duly consider the unknown evils' that must attend it-the recriminations by which it must be followed-and the long train of consequences affecting at once the dignity of the Crown, and the best interests of the empire. In this respect, the King, the Queen, and the Parliament, had but one common cause; and the course he recommended was that most calculated to avert the common calamity. Mr Wilberforce then moved the following resolutions :

"Resolved,-That this House has learned, with unfeigned and deep regret, that the late endeavours to frame an arrangement which might avert the necessity of a public inquiry into the information laid before the two Houses of Parliament, have not led to that amicable adjustment of the existing differences in the Royal Family, which was so anxiously desired by Parliament and the nation.

"That this House, fully sensible of the objections which the Queen might justly feel to taking upon herself the relinquishment of any points in which she might have conceived her own dignity and honour to be involved, yet feeling the inestimable importance of an amicable and final adjustment of the present unhappy differences, cannot forbear declaring its opinion, that when such large advances have been made towards that object, her Majesty, by yielding to the earnest solicitude of the House of Commons, and forbearing to press further the adoption of those propositions on which any material difference of opinion yet remains, would by no means be understood to indicate any wish to shrink from inquiry, but would only be deemed to afford a renewed

proof of the desire which her Majesty has been graciously pleased to express to submit her own wishes to the authority of Parliament; thereby entitling herself to the grateful acknowledgments of the House of Com mons, and sparing this House the painful necessity of those public discussions, which, whatever might be their ultimate result, could not but be distressing to her Majesty's feelings -disappointing to the hopes of Parliament-derogatory from the dignity of the Crown-and injurious to the best interests of the empire."

Mr Stuart Wortley seconded the motion.

Mr Brougham began with declaring, that he intended to argue this great question, not merely in his official capacity as Queen's law-officer, but also as one of the members of Parliament. In proof of this, he would at once assert his opinion, (candour and justice demanded it, without reference even to his exertions as a negociator,) that in this negociation no little had been already gained by her Majesty. In the first place, let it be observed, that it was now explicitly acknowledged, that the only basis on which her Majesty could be called upon to treat, was that high ground of her unimpeachable, undisputed, and unsuspected title of Queen of this realm. This point alone she had made a sine qua non, and she had obtained it before the conference was opened. It was also no trivial matter, that in leaving the kingdom, she was to be allowed all the pomp and circumstance belonging to the highest personages of the Royal Family. This was a case where little things became of great moment; and inasmuch as the omission of the ordinary forms of respect would be a degradation, the concession and observance of those forms was proportionally important in resto

VOL. XIII. PART I.

ring her Majesty to the situation she had a right to occupy. In respect also to reception at foreign courts, though her Majesty's proposition was not conceded, yet something approaching to it was granted. Care was to be taken to secure to her, not only com→ fort and convenience, but attention and respect. Lastly, in case of success in the negociation, there was to be a joint address to the King and Queen, speaking of them together, and thanking them together, for the concessions they had made. Now, would any gentleman think this ant unimportant acquisition, who recollected, that not four months ago, it was impossible to obtain from ministers even the mention of the word Queen? She was an illustrious female

high personage an exalted lady -a character of great distinction, implicated in the conversation, with he knew not how many idle circumlocutions and studied periphrases. Her Majesty was no longer an "illustrious female," or an "exalted personage" she was Queen, and was to be addressed as Queen by her Parliament, which was to carry to the foot of her throne the expressions of its gratitude and attachment. However determined ministers might be to persevere in inquiry, and to open the green bag, (for determined he understood they were, and, on her own account, it was far from the intention of the Queen to resist that determination,) yet, having gained thus much in favour of her rights and her innocence, and standing upon this rock and basis, he put it to the House whether it did not become the station the Queen had now acquired to stand still longer upon resistance, and to demand that some further step should be conceded? He was ready to concede to Mr Wilberforce, that the question of the liturgy had not been made a sine qua

K

non. It arose out of the proposition of residence abroad, to which the Queen could not agree, after the charges which had been made against her, and the green bag which had been thrown upon the table, without the concession of something which might secure her motives from all misconstruction. From all that he himself knew from all that he understood by communication with others -from the known sense of a great part, if not a majority of that House and from the undoubted sense of a majority out of doors, he was warranted in stating, that the surrender of that point by the Crown, would ensure success to the object of his honourable friend. Success would then be certain, and without the shadow of dishonour on the Queen. (Hear, hear.) -This once conceded, all difficulties would be done away. For himself, he could solemnly assure the House, that he was as convinced as he was of his own existence that this was the only remaining obstacle. Let the word Liturgy be but once amicably pronounced, and every impediment would be removed. He did not wish to make this a party question, or throw any peculiar blame on ministers. He believed that deep regret had been expressed for the omission of her Majesty's name in the church service; and by how much the more the act ought not to have been done, so much the easier would it be to undo it. He did not wish to fatigue the House by a discussion of right, or to lead it through a labyrinth of legal and theological lore. The Liturgy had been established by authority of Parliament, after having been framed and prepared by the convocation. It was only to the due legal authority that a certain power of alteration was given, in cases relating to the Royal Family. It was enacted" that the names of the Royal Family be chan

ged and altered from time to time, as may be fitting to the occasion." What must be understood as the fair intendment of these words? Did they not, upon every principle of ordinary construction, signify, that as George might succeed to Anne, or Caroline to Charlotte, the names of the latter should be substituted for the former? He took his ground upon this simple and obvious interpretation. It was only by over-strained and far-fetched constructions, that any other meaning could be elicited. The including of the Queen under the general term of the Royal Family, might perhaps be defended in point of religion, but not of justice or constitutional propriety. Could it indeed be maintained, that the erasure of her Majesty's name from the prayers of the church cast no stigma, and implied no suspicion? If Queen after Queen had been prayed for-if her present Majesty, whilst Princess of Wales and until the demise of the crown, had herself been prayed for, could such an omission be passed over as a trifling or unimportant matter? But it seemed that the name of George the First had been inserted singly, and this was stated by way of shewing that her Majesty would sustain no dishonour by a similar circumstance. Were he not, however, averse to tread on the ashes of a departed Queen, he could shew that this reference contained the greatest possible aggravation of the injury. Then it had been urged that the Duke of York had been prayed for by name; but a Duke of York, as heir-presumptive, had no title; and the rule respecting him, when heir-apparent, was by no means so inflexible as with regard to a Queen-Consort. The Queen was not only the consort of a King, but the first subject of his realm. She was subject only to the monarch; she had high and peculiar

privileges he had almost said prerogatives. The King's, indeed, were not imparted to her, but they sheltered, covered, and protected her. In other respects she enjoyed privileges above all other women. There was nothing of which the law was more careful, than to guard the honour of the Queen Consort, and of the line which was continued through her. A stigma in this quarter might, in other circumstances, have caused a disputed succession. But he was told that her Majesty ought to waive this point, because an accommodation was desirable. His question, in answer to that observation, was, why should not his Majesty, or rather his Majesty's ministers, waive this point? (Hear.) They were the authors of the act: her Majesty was the only sufferer by it; she had obeyed the law, and there was no charge against her arising out of the transaction. The concession must be degrading to her; it could not be degrading to the other side. On the part of her Majesty, it was to surrender all; on the part of ministers, it was to surrender nothing. If she acquiesced, she must be de. graded every Sunday in the eyes of every Christian congregation through out the land. The importance early attached to this point was shewn by expressions of the Princess Sophia, when she was asked, in the reign of Queen Anne, to come over and reside in Britain. She had then evidently considered the being prayed for as equivalent to residence, and as securing her title to the crown. He would not listen for an instant to the argument, that the crown would lower itself by the concession. Ministers had advised the act; let them now advise its revocation. The disgrace, when removed from the Queen, could not attach to the Sovereign; if he thought it could, he should be the last man to advise it. Who was not

anxious to protect the unsullied honour of the crown of these realms? On no account whatever, happen what might, would he cast the slightest shade on that pure and spotless diadem. He conceived that the constitution could not recognize the King in his individual capacity, and that all the public acts of the crown must be the acts of ministers. Were they to open their ears to every rumour, or to every vague notion that the King's dignity might be insulted, and lose sight altogether of the Queen's situation? It appeared to him to be an easy mode of extricating themselves from the difficulty, to carry up an humble address to the foot of the throne, representing the sentiments which they could not avoid entertaining on this painful subject. There was no reason why ministers should hesitate to give sound advice on this important subject. Let them not fear lest their Sovereign should discountenance them for it. He was too just and patriotic not to know that it must have been extorted from them by the commanding voice of Parliament, Even if it should lead to a dismissal from their places, let them not dread that by manfully discharging their duty, or yielding to expediency, or complying with the wishes of that House, they would ultimately lose them. (Hear, hear.) He should like to see the man who would step forward to succeed them in such a case. Where could be found the rash and presumptuous factionists, the headstrong and audacious politicians, who would venture to step into places from which others had been removed only for discharging an honest, a conscientious, and an important duty? He trusted they were now near the end of those painful preliminary discussions. Let the House look to the case. They were going on, day af ter day, and something else was go◄