AFTER the disappointment of sucessive attempts to involve the state anarchy, the nation began to eathe, and sanguine hopes were tertained that the new reign would ɔw on in a more tranquil and unirm tenor. The present, however, as, on the contrary, the era of a onvulsion, which, if less perilous, as more violent and universal than ny which Britain had experienced ›r ages preceding. We approach ith pain to a subject, on which the assions of men were so highly in amed, and where there appears so ttle room for praise on either side; ut where, on the contrary, we may ind something to blame in every hing that was said and done by alnost every person. The event, how, ever, makes too great a figure in history, and afforded too ample a display of the genius and character of the nation, to be passed over without

full notice.

its passions had been excited, might have supposed, that nothing merely personal to royalty, nothing which did not directly tend to the benefit and relief of the nation itself, could have caused any strong agitation.Experience only could shew that these principles still possessed so great a force, and could serve even as a focus to collect all the energies of popular faction. Not even those who were most to profit by the circumstance could previously anticipate it. From the moment, indeed, of the recent accession, it was perceived that the relations between the two greatest personages in the state must be of delicate and difficult adjustment, and likely to involve the executive in serious embarrassment. The feelings of the respective political parties were shewn by the ample and exulting terms in which the one dilated upon the subject, and by the niggard and cautious responses of the other. Both foresaw a struggle, though neither of them that terrible struggle which actually ensued..

H

It is not, we presume, denied by either party, that impressions very unfavourable to the Queen had been received from abroad, and were generally credited among the higher circles. These impressions, according to one party, were derived from the uniform consent of every one who had possessed any opportunities of judging; while, according to others, they were studiously circulated by enemies, who scrupled at no means, however criminal, to gratify their animosity. According to these reports, however, this unfortunate lady was represented to have renounced not the reality only, but even the appearance, of the virtues becoming her sex and rank. It was in these circumstances that measures were taken by ministry to establish and condense the facts belonging to this subject, so as to bring them to proof when the occasion should require. Upon this principle was formed the Milan Commission, the object of so much discussion and criticism. There is necessarily something odious in inquisitorial practices, especially when carried on against a female standing in an unprotected situation. At the same time, any party which has a right to carry on legal proceedings against another, seems to have a clear right to employ agents to collect evidence in its own favour. The character of the English agents employed has not been impeached; it has only been wondered, of some of them, that they should engage in an employment so little congenial to men of nice and lofty feelings. At the same time, in the case of such witnesses as were to be got, it was very necessary to guard, lest their answers to such powerful inquirers should be dictated rather by a consideration of what would be agreeable, than of what was true. It behoved also ministers to be on their

guard against the necessary tendency of their own agents to represent their information in colours that might be most satisfactory to their employers. Whether all these considerations were dulyweighed, may appear in the course of future proceedings. Meantime, it appears that ministers believed themselves, from the result of those inquiries, to have derived a full proof of criminal and degrading conduct, such as would fully justify any extremity to which they might chuse to proceed. The resolution formed, and which, with this conviction, cannot be considered as very violent, appears to have been, to leave the Queen unmolested in a private station, and even to supply her with the means of supporting the rank, and tasting the indulgences, to which she had been accustomed, but to withhold every thing which belonged to the state and dignity of Queen. Should any attempt be made to claim these, that mass of evidence was kept in readiness to burst forth, which, it was supposed, would speedily level in the dust all her pretensions.

The first public indication of this system was given by the exclusion of the Queen's name from the liturgy. By the most considerate well-wishers to the cause of royalty, this measure met only with half approval. This did not appear the occasion or the manner in which humiliation ought to have been inflicted. It was an insult of such a nature, that, unless the Queen was prepared to submit to every thing, could not fail to bring on a violent collision.

There was nothing either in the past or present conduct of this royal personage tending to authorise such an expectation. Without delay, she dispatched a letter to the Earl of Liverpool, demanding that her name should be inserted in the liturgy; that

instructions should be sent to all ministers and consuls abroad to pay her the respect due to the Queen of England, and that a palace should be provided for her at home. No answer, at least no satisfactory answer, being received to these demands, no hesitation was felt in resolving to proceed independently, and in defiance of government; and early in May, the Queen began to put herself in motion towards England.

In England, meanwhile, no symptoms yet appeared of the tempest which was about to explode. Even the most zealous promoters of faction were still unconscious of the mighty instrument which was soon to be in their hands. The movements of the Queen were announced only by obscure paragraphs in the corners of the newspapers, which, a few weeks after, were to treat every other subject as unworthy of being placed in competition. So great seemed the national tranquillity, that no hesitation was felt in announcing the coronation, which it was well understood that the King alone was to share. The necessary orders were issued to the respective tradesmen; places were secured for viewing the procession; the table of the Privy Council was covered with petitions from those to whom usage assigned either stations or perquisites in this splendid ceremony, and the minds of all men seemed solely engrossed by this approaching pageantry.

The Queen, meantime, was proceeding steadily in her destined purpose. On the 17th April, she gave an entertainment to her Italian friends, and took leave of them at her villa, near Pesaro. Her motions were then little noticed; but she proceeded, we believe, by way of Turin to Geneva. Towards the end of May we find her at Dijon, whence proceeding forward

to Villeneuve, she was met by Alderman Wood and Lady Anne Hamilton, who came to welcome her, and to attach themselves to her fortunes. Here a consultation was held;- the result of which was, that a courier was dispatched to London with three letters; one to Lord Liverpool, requiring that a palace should be immediately prepared for her reception; another to Lord Melville, with the demand that a yacht should be ready on the 3d June to convey her to the British shore; a third to the Duke of York, containing a recapitulation of both demands, and a general complaint of the manner in which she had been treated. The messenger was desired to bring the answers to St Omer's, whither the Queen meant to proceed with the utmost expedition. Accordingly the party left Villeneuve on the 29th May, and passing through Melun to avoid Paris, posted with such rapidity, that on the 1st June they arrived at St Omer's.

Ministers were probably taken considerably by surprise with an event, which, though impending, had hitherto been considered as distant. The demand of a yacht, which was the most immediate, was evaded, by Lord Melville stating, in a note to Lady Anne Hamilton, that in consequence of his Majesty's absence from town, his orders could not be taken on the subject. No time, however, was lost in adopting the most vigorous measures to avert the threatened land

ing. With this view they solicited the mediatorial services of Lord Hutchinson, who had been once much attached to her Majesty, and was now a confidential friend of the King. To him they communicated the terms on which they were willing to come to an accommodation, and which were founded on the basis stated above. Lord Hutchinson was accompanied

by Mr Brougham, who seems to have been laudably willing to co-operate in preventing the Queen's arrival in England, at the same time that, as her confidential adviser, he was anxious to negociate for her the best possible terms. The conjunct deputation did not arrive at St Omer's till Saturday the 3d, when Lord Hutchinson was immediately admitted to an audience of her Majesty. He was graciously received, and at the close of the interview, was requested to state in writing the nature of the proposals with which he was charged. Some difficulty was made, on the ground that he had only notes of conversations, and loose memoranda, containing the general ideas that had been thrown out upon the subject, but scarcely affording materials for a regular proposition. The demand, however, being again urged, with surprise at any hesitation in acceding to it, Lord Hutchinson, after a few hours, produced the following letter to Mr Brougham :

"SIR,-In obedience to the commands of the Queen, I have to inform you, that I am not in possession of any proposition or propositions, detailed in a specific form of words, which I could lay before her Majesty; but I can detail to you, for her information, the substance of many conversations held with Lord Liverpool. His Majesty's ministers propose, that 50,000l. per annum should be settled on the Queen for life, subject to such conditions as the King may impose. I have also reason to know, that the conditions likely to be imposed by his Majesty are, that the Queen is not to assume the style and title of Queen of England, or any title attached to the royal family of England. A condition is also to be attached to this grant, that she is

not to reside in any part of the united kingdom, or even to visit England. The consequence of such a visit will be an immediate message to Parliament, and an entire end to all compromise and negociation. I believe that there is no other condition-I am sure none of any importance. I think it right to send to you an extract of a letter from Lord Liverpool to me; his words are- It is material that her Majesty should know confidentially, that, if she shall be so ill advised as to come over to this country, there must then be an end to all negociation and compromise. The decision, I may say, is taken to proceed against her as soon as she sets her foot on the British shores.'I cannot conclude this letter without my humble, though serious and sincere supplication, that her Majesty will take these propositions into her most calm consideration, and not act with any hurry or precipitation on so important a subject. I hope that my advice will not be misinterpreted. I can have no possible interest which would induce me to give fallacious counsel to the Queen. But, let the event be what it may, I shall console myself with the reflection that I have performed a painful duty imposed upon me to the best of my judgment and conscience, and in a case in the decision of which the King, the Queen, the Government, and the people of England, are materially interested. Having done so, I fear neither obloquy nor misrepresentation. I certainly should not have wished to have brought matters to so precipitate a conclusion: but it is her Majesty's decision, and not mine. I am conscious that I have performed my duty towards her with every possible degree of feeling and delicacy. I have been obliged to make use of your brother's hand, as I write with

pain and difficulty, and the Queen has refused to give any, even the shortest delay.

"I have the honour to be, sir, with great regard, your most obedient humble servant,

"HUTCHINSON."

It is impossible to read these propositions without feeling how little likely they were to meet the acceptance of one, who was pushing on in such a determined and intrepid career. It is certain that they could never be accepted without a full acquiescence in the criminal charges which the accompanying threat implied. The makers of the offer have been bitterly reproached with lavishing so much, or any of the public money, on one whom they believed, and expected to confess herself, thus entirely guilty and degraded. Admitting all, however, we should not regard 50,000l. a-year too much, as hush-money of a subject, which it was so important to withhold from the public eye. There is certainly something odd in the giving of so much money with such an entire denial of every thing else. If the Queen was sunk so low as to make such concessions, might not a better bargain have been made, even as to money? In fact, however, her views and feelings were wrought up to a very different pitch. The letter being read to her by Mr Brougham, was received with the strongest expressions of indignation, and authority given to reject, in an unqualified manner, the proposition. Mr Brougham, according to report, suggested the making a counter proposition, and thus opening a negociation; but the Queen, instead of complying, left the room unobserved, and asking Alderman Wood to order her carriage instantly, was seen, in a few minutes, driving on the road to Calais. Mr Brougham was only apprised

of this step by descrying her from the windows, and he and Lord Hutchinson found themselves suddenly left together to confer on their abortive attempt.

Leaving St Omer's at five in the evening of the 4th, the Queen arrived at Calais before nine, and apprehensive of any attempt to detain her, went immediately on board the English packet which lay in the harbour. Lord Hutchinson, meantime, struck with dismay at this precipitate departure, drew up the following letter, which seemed to intimate, that the conditions first named were by no means irrevocable.

"St Omer's, 5 o'clock, June 4, 1820. "MY DEAR SIR,-I should wish that you would enter into a more detailed explanation; but, to shew you my anxious and sincere wish for an accommodation, I am willing to send a courier to England to ask for further instructions, provided her Majesty will communicate to you whether any part of the proposition which I have made would be acceptable to her; and if there is anything which she may wish to offer to the English government, on her part, I am willing to make myself the medium through which it may pass. I have the honour to be, &c. "HUTCHINSON." HENRY BROUGHAM, Esq.

The Queen received this letter in the packet, but declared that there was nothing in it to change her purpose. Inspired, probably, with some presentiment of the reception which awaited her on the British shore, she shewed the utmost impatience of any thing which could delay her landing. The packet was detained for several hours in the harbour; and, after leaving it, the wind was for some time contrary; but a favourable breeze springing up, brought the vessel,