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ganize this country; and this was the object of the consulta at Lyons.

Two kinds of organization were in our choice: the one of that sort which this country obtained in 1796. This might have been imposed by force, but would never have been submitted to by the inhabitants. It would have produced disorder and civil dissensions. It would have rendered the Cisalpine the centre of anarchy, and consequently a perpetual object of terror to her neighboars.

The second organization nearly corresponded to that proposed by the inhabitants, with a strong and central government.

All the places have been easily filled up, for few countries abound in citizens so distinguished both by their information and their probity.

But the first place, owing to circumstances, was not so easily filled up. On this account, that line of conduct was followed, which the interest of the country dictated, and we may say, the interest, well understood, of her neighbours.

The government is fixed at Milan. The principal laws necessary to set the constitution in motion are framing; and the country, without effort, in a short time, will find itself completely organized.

Those who imagine that nations may be organized in one day, in one hour, simply by digesting a paper, must find something extraordinary in accomplishing such a measure."

But such as are convinced that a people really possesses no constitution except when it is effective, and that among all nations, the moments, of organization are a terrible crisis, will readily be convinced that the steps which the consulta at Lyons has taken are both wise and natu

ral; and whatever may be said to find more in its conclusions than is really to be found there, is but idle prating.

But it may be said, that France combines to its thirty millions of inhabitants, the accession of influence attached to four millions which inhabit the Italian republic!!! An alarm is excited on this account-an outcry against the power and ambition of France.

Let us compare the influence of France in different parts of Europe since the treaty of Luneville, with that which she possessed in 1788. In 1788, France possessed a considerable influence over the king of Sardinia, the king of Naples, and the republic of Venice. Over the republic of Venice, because she was, by her situation, the enemy of France; over the king of Naples, on account of the family compact; over the king of Sardinia- -for he was bound to France, by his inability to defend Savoy and Nice, by double alliances, and still more, by the pretensions of Austria to Montserrat. Thus France possessed an influence in the system of Europe over three great states, containing twelve millions of men.

At the present period, Venice belongs to the emperor: with regard to Naples, the family compact no longer exists. The Italian republic must, therefore, compensate both of these losses.

Thus France has made no addition to her influence. The cession of Venice has given the emperor a marked ascendant in the Adriatic, and over Italy; and if the Italian republic languished in disorganiza tion-if she did not became the sure and faithful allay of France, the political state of Europe would be at

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the disposal of Austria; the equilibrium would be lost, and the result of a war, during which we have conquered in a hundred battles; durng which we have twice found peace under the walls of Vienna, would be to place us in a situation worse than before the war.-France ought not to exercise an inordinate power over the neighbouring countries; but she ought carefully to watch over the equilibrium, the true guardian of peace.

In the system of Germany, Poland, Turkey, and Sweden, united themselves with France. Poland is no more; it has been employed to augment the power of our neighoours. Turkey, a prey to civil war, is just able to retain the consistence necessary to continue to exist: she an no longer have any weight in the affairs of Germany.

The acquisitions which Russia has made in Poland; the degree of civilization and power to which that state has attained in modern times, and time which changes every thing: all these circumstances have excited the descendants of Charles XII. to maintain the equilibrium of the Baltic, but have left them no real power in the aflairs of Germany.

The accession which France has acquired in the four departments of the Rhine, does not compensate the accessions which herneighbours have acquired by the partition of Poland. This partition has rendered France a double loser; because she has not only seen a natural ally, of considerable population, annihilated in the balance of Europe, but even gone to assist those whom she should have assisted to keep within bounds.

obliged to acquiesce in the partitions of Poland, without obtaining, as a compensation, neither Belgium nor the four departments of the Rhine, she would have ceased to be, what she has always been, a power of the first rank.

We will not continue this parallel further, nor demonstrate how different the situation of France was in 1788, and after the preliminaries of London. Tippoo Saib, like Poland, has disappeared from the system of India, and his territories have gone to increase the immense possessions of the English.

No nation ever showed so much moderation as France; all that she conquered in war she has restored in peace. But it is proper she should restrict herself to certain limits, beyond which the govern ment must fall into weakness. Equilibrium in the affairs of Germany, equilibrium in the affairs of Italysuch is the system of France: she does not desire to give the law, but she does not choose to receive it.

On considering the political situation of Europe in every point of view, we see that France has gained no new accession of influence: she has only maintained her former rank.

Bonaparté, P. Melzi, V. P.

Dispatch from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to the French Chargé d'Affaires Bacher, at the Diet of Ratisbon.

СТ

Paris, Feb. 14, 1802.

In the equilibrium of the affairs CITIZEN, I think it incursupon me to inform you

of Germany, France has rather lost officially, of the results of an extrathan gained; and if she had been ordinary consulta of the principal

citizens

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itizens of the Cisalpine republic, held at Lyons.

The treaty of Luneville had consecrated the existence of that republic, but it was there spoken of rather as about to exist, than as actually established.

The Cisalpine republic, successively occupied by French and Imperial troops, had not the power of governing herself. It was the duty of the French government, after having ensured the freedom of that country by arms; after having caused her independence to be acknowledged by all the powers of the continent, to call upon her to fulfil the first duties necessary to the enjoyment of these advantages.

The public voice of Italy, and the formal request of the provisory authorities, had on various occasions expressed the general confidence which that nation placed in him, and their wish to receive from him both a definitive constitution, and the first choice of her magistrates. The first consul was anxious that this general wish of that nation should be accomplished agreeably to the principles of her independence. He convoked the principal citizens; he collected their opinions and suffrages. It is by these opinions, and these suffrages, that her constitution and magistrates have been

chosen.

The government of the republic feels that the tranquillity of Europe depends upon the tranquillity of each state which forms a part of it. After having made the greatest efforts to terminate a war, which for so long a time desolated Europe, it hopes that the influence of cool wisdom in all those nations within the sphere of its alliance, will destroy all uncertainty and agitation. The

wisest citizens of the Italian republic, reflecting on the diversity of ele ments of which they were composed, became convinced, that to prevent the injurious effects which might arise from the rivalship, the pretensions, and the animosities of their fellow-citizens, it was necessary to call in the aid of the ascendancy of a foreigner, who should bẻ superior to those passions, and whọ would not by his conduct give rise to disorders, which might not only disturb the tranquillity of the Italian republic, but trouble the reposė of Europe.

It was from a deep impression of these circumstances, that they felt themselves bound to represent to the first consul, that their country ought, in the first moments of its political existence, to be secured in its independence, guarded against the dangers with which it might be threatened, and wisely directed in the choice of means for its future preservation.

Such, citizen, are the result of the convocation of the Italian consúlta at Lyons. I beg you will com` municate to the government, where you reside, the notification which I have the honour of making to you! I have no doubt but that it will see in this event a new proof of the desire which animates the government of the republic to consolidate, by every means in its power,' the gene ral tranquillity of Europe, and to guaranty permanently the relations which unite the different states.

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Milan, April 1, 1802. HE definitive peace between France, England, Spain, and the Batavian republic, was lemnly signed on the 25th of March. The treaty of Luneville had already secured continental peace; that of Amiens secures maritime peace. Those disastrous resentments, which for so long a time divided and distracted nations, are at last extinguished.

people just emerging from the dise asters of révolution, of conquest, and of war; this is not the work of one man or of one day.

That great work cannot be accomplished without the union of wills, firm, constant, and directed to good; without the concurrence of the efforts of all the good and virtuous. The pretexts of malice, the excuses of timidity, shall no longer be admitted; to hesitate, to prefer one's own personal advantage to the service of the public, is a crime, when the country calls the good to labour in repairing past disasters, and securing future happi

The peace proclaimed is general, The treaty of Amiens shall tell posterity, that if Bonaparté was greatness. by his valour, he was so no less by his wisdom. Let us therefore rejoice, fellow-citizens, we to whom that great man peculiarly belongs by so many titles, the founder of our liberty, the restorer, the support, and the guide of our republic. Is not his glory the pledge of our independence? and to whom can his name and his glory he dearer than to us? Let us therefore rejoice and take courage; let us put an end to the fatal uncertainties which hitherto have kept opinions divided, and sentiments suppressed.

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No, our destiny is no longer uncertain it no longer depends, except on ourselves. Prosperity, security in the interior, independence, and consequence abroad; all is in our power, if we will it. Let us therefore will it boldly, and I swear to you that our country shall be happy and powerful. But to consolidate the unity and the force of a state composed of discordant and divided parts; to create a strict and pure administration amidst the enormous corruption which weighs down this country; to confirm the grandeur and prosperity of a

To how many misfortunes shall he be exposed, to how much ́remorse shall be condemned such of his children as shall not hearken to her voice. Far be from us the thought, that the Italians can cover themselves with such disgrace. Nothing, in spite of the greatest diffiulties, was ever impossible to them. They were seen trying every expedient, when any thing regarded the interests of their children, their families, or their country.

If the love of one's country was always a fruitful source of magnanimous enterprises, what ought we to hope, we who are to receive, as the reward of our services, not only to serve, but to create a country ?

Let us, therefore, fellow-citizens, be impressed with our high destiny; and while we prepare ourselves to fulfil its difficult obligations, let us not cease to repeat, with a sentiment of the most profound gratitude, glory and honour to those immortal phalanxes who have procured peace to the world.

Melzi. Guiccardi, Counsellor of state. The

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Letter to the Holy Father, from those new French Bishops who have occupied Episcopal Sees without being instituted by the Holy See.

OST holy father, having been

sequence of the French revolution, In order, therefore, that no doubt may remain in the mind of your holiness, as to my intentions, I sincerely declare that I freely abandon what is called the civil constitution

of the clergy; that I admit, and will admit, that I profess, and will profess, the dispositions and articles of the new convention made between your holiness and the French government, and that I will render true obedience to your holiness and I pray that your your successors. holiness will consider this as my in variable resolution, that you will regard me as one of the most obedient sons of the church, and that you will deign to grant me that canonical institution which I humbly request. I also humbly request your holiness's apostolic benediction, as a precious pledge of christian charity

towards me.

Decree of Absolution and Dispensa tion granted by the Cardinal Legate to those of the new French Bishops who, without the Apostolic Institution of the Holy See, have occupied Episcopal Sees.

To Claude François-Marie Pri mat, formerly occupying the see of Cambray, now that of Lyons; to Jean-Claude le Blanc De Beaulieu, occupying the see of Rouen; to Jean François Perrier, commonly called bishop of Puy-de-Dôme; to Claude Lecoz, occupying the see of Rennes; and to Jean Baptiste Saurin, commonly called bishop of Landes; is expedited a form of grace subscribed by his eminence

M appointed by the first consul the cardinal legate, and scaled with

bishop of, I have nothing more at heart than to be able entirely to extirpate every remnant of that discord which was the inevitable con

his seal, which decree will be sent to each of them, by the most reverend the bishop of Orleans, and of which they will signify their re

ception

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