the peace, than they had shown in negotiating it. After again touching on the vast importance of the cession which Portugal has made to France in Guyana, he concluded by waving his intended motion for the present, as his noble friend (lord Pelham) had expressed an objection to it. On the same day, in the house of commons, Mr. Grey demanded explanations from ministers on nearly the same grounds as lord Grenville had wished for the production of papers in the house of lords. He wished particularly to be informed what was the nature of the integrity that was stipulated for the dominions of the queen of Portugal? Was it the integrity of what remained of it when it had ceded a province to Spain, or was it its absolute integrity? He also expressed the surprise he had felt in reading the treaty between France and Portugal, to find that the goods and merchandise of France were to be admitted into the ports of Portugal with every advantage and privilege formerly given to the most favoured nation: this would be, in fact, an abrogation of all the treaties which had subsisted between this country and Portugal for the last century. It was on these two points that he wished for explanation from ministers. Lord Hawkesbury considered these questions as unusual and irregular, and therefore declined, for the present, to enter into any explanation, and more particularly as the subject would soon come before the house in a regular way of discussion. The thanks of both houses were given to general Hutchinson, lord Keith, and sir James Suamarez. On the 2d of November, in the house of commons, Mr. Whitbread asked lord Hawkesbury whether Spain and Holland had appointed any representative authorised to consent to those cessions of territory mentioned in the second article of the preliminaries. Lord Hawkesbury replied, that they had not; but that it was con sidered that France was fully competent to act for her allies: he added, that he was now prepared to answer a question which had been put to him by an honourable member (Mr. Grey) the other evening: the sixth article of the treaty meant only to secure to Portugal her territories as settled by the treaty of Badajos, that she had concluded with Spain. Mr. Grey observed, that that was not the only question he had put to the noble lord on a former evening; he had also inquired about the treaty between Portugal and France, by which French manufactures were to be received in Portugal on terms equally favourable with those of this country. Lord Hawkesbury replied, that the preference given by each country was reciprocal; and if Portugal admitted the woollens of other nations to be imported upon the terms heretofore exclusively enjoyed by this country, we should also be at liberty to place all other wines upon a footing with those of Portugal. On the next day a most important debate took place in both houses, on the motion for an address to his majesty this debate naturally drew forth the sentiments of every distin-` guished member of either house, as to the general merits or demerits of the preliminary articles: previous however to the order of the day for reading his majesty's speech, a debate, or rather an animated conversation, took place in both houses respecting some further information which was demanded from ministers, and which they were not disposed to grant. Lord Grenville, in the house of peers, asked his majesty's ministers whether Portugal was now at liberty to maintain her accustomed relations with this country, as by the treaty of Madrid she had been bound not to give any exclusive privileges to the detriment of the contracting parties. Lord Pelham answered, that she was still at liberty to treat with this country. Lord Grenville replied, that this question was, whether Portugal remained at liberty to maintain her former connection with us, under which we enjoyed exclusive advantages, for which we gave reciprocal privileges. (No answer was made by ministers.] Lord Thurlow complained of the irregularity of this conversation. Lord Grenville said, it was by no means unusual to call for important information previous to discussing the order of the day; however, for the sake of regularity, he should move an humble address to his majesty, praying for a copy of the treaty of Madrid, signed on the 29th of September. Lord Hobart said, that the preliminaries only respected the integrity of the territories of Portugal; commercial regulations must remain for future arrangement. After several observations from the lord Chancellor, lord Thurlow, and other lords, the house proceeded to the order of the day. In the house of commons, the honourable Mr. Grenville made a similar demand of information respecting the treaty of Madrid, which he observed was more peculiarly necessary, as Portugal had signed two treaties with Spain, one at Badajos, the other at Madrid, and the house ought to know which of them was guarantied. Lord Hawkesbury said, government was not then possessed of official information on the subject, but he was ready to say, that he understood that by the treaty of Badajos, Portugal only ceded the town of Olivenza to Spain, and that by the treaty between France and Portugal there was so far an alteration of the frontier in Guyana, that for the future the river Arewara was to be the boundary. The preliminary conversation being thus disposed of in both houses, that part of his majesty's speech relating to the preliminary articles was read. Lord Romney moved the address in the house of lords: he began by stating, that we had now terminated the greatest and most momentous war which this country had ever been engaged in; a war, which though productive of the heaviest burdens, had been on our side a war of necessity, not only for the defence of our allies, but the preservation of our religion, laws, property, and constitution. And as it was on our side nesessary, so it was, as far as we were concerned, attended by the most brilliant successes. Glorious as that war was, in which the immortal Chatham presided at the helm of affairs, this was no less splendid. Our fleets had been victorious in a still higher degree; they had crushed the navy, and annihilated the commerce of the enemy. The whole of maritime Europe, jealous of the power of our navy, had conspired its humiliation; they found found their vain endeavours recoil upon themselves. He had himself been taught, by the glory that our troops had obtained in Egypt, the truth of one observation made to him formerly by a noble lord, himself an ornament to the military profession (lord Moira), who told him that he might rely upon it, that British soldiers, when they had an equal opportunity of distinguishing themselves, would not fall short of British sailors. Egypt had lately witnessed such glorious exertions of British troops, as the annals of history could not surpass. We had then to contend with a completely disciplined army, more numerous than our own, inured to the climate, and commanded by a most skilful and experienced general. The chosen troops of France, who had gained so many brilliant victories against the Austrians, and deemed themselves" invincible," found, for the first time, that they were not invincible when they came to close quarters with British soldiers. Success however was the best season for concluding peace. In no former war has the victorious party insisted on retaining all its acquisitions. In the war which lord Chatham had so gloriously conducted, the object was to secure our American colonies: that being effected, we restored, at the peace, Martinico, Guadaloupe, the Havannah, and Pondicherry. In the American war, when France had succeeded in detaching from us these colonies, she did not hesitate to restore several islands and settlements she had taken from us during the war. We now have secured the great object of the war, our religion, laws, constitution, property, and independence. We had displayed greater resources, both military and pecuniary, than this country was supe posed to possess, and so far the impor tant objects of the war had been secured. His lordship then dwelt on the importance of the islands of Ceylon and Trinidada (both from their situation and capability of improvement), as also on the vast conquests which had been made in India, from Tippoo Sultan, the old ally of France, and the deliverance of Egypt from the French dominion. He concluded by giving his opinion that we had done all that could have been done for our allies, and that we had laid a foundation for British security, which held out a promise of permanent peace. He then read his motion for the adaddress. Lord Limerick seconded the ad-dress. He thought it augured well of the peace, that almost all ranks and descriptions of men in the country approved of it. He was sorry, however, to find that many of the highest characters in point of abilities and integrity thought differently upon that subject. The situation of this country was, as he thought, decidedly better than at the late peace. At the last peace we lost our finest colonies, and several most important islands and fortresses had been taken from us in the war which preceded it; but in this the character of the country as well as its territories were preserved inviolate: Britain had also successfully interfered for its allies, Turkey and Portugal. His lordship then expatiated on the glorious achievements of our troops in Egypt, and regretted the loss of that hero, who led on those troops to victory and immortal honour. His spirit, however, did not die; it fell upon those gallant offi cers cers who succeeded him, and whose conduct best spoke their culogium. He Loped the house would pardon his national vanity in mentioning, that many of them came from the same part of the united kingdom with himself, and were his particular friends. He spoke this with particular pleasure, from the recollection of the disaffected and dangerous spirit which prevailed too much amongst the inferior orders of people in that country. To this subject he thought the attention of government should be directed, and that above all things a large peace Establishment must be kept up. He concluded by generally approving of the conduct of ministers, but particularly for procuring for the nation such preliminaries of peace as the present. by land and sea had conquered, and which would have secured us from the effects of the aggrandizement of France upon the continent. It had been said that we had protected our allies. What was the fact? How had we protected Portugal? It appeared that it was only a portion of her territory whose integrity was to be preserved. A part of the important province of Olivenza was to be ceded: our ally the Prince of Orange was not even named in the preliminaries, although from his faithful attachment to us he had lost both his territories and his station. Could it be said that Ceylon and Trinidad gave either sufficient indemnity for the past, or security for the future? In India the bravery of our army had subdued Tippoo Saib, and Earl Spencer lamented the ne- placed that country out of danger; cessity he felt himself under from but by this peace, which surrenhis sense of duty, to deliver an ders to the enemy the Cape of opinion opposite to that of the two Good Hope and Cochin, we afford noble lords who had last spoke. If them an entrance into Malabar; he did not feel himself called upon while in South America we have by his sense of duty, he should permitted Portugal to cede to France much rather have deplored in silence a strong military position at the the calamity of the present peace, mouth of the river of Amazons. and the enthusiastic joy with which In the West Indies we had surrenthe people had received it. He dered Martinico, and left the French shou'd rather have suppressed the in possession of St. Domingo. Ia mortification he felt at the degrada- the Mediterranean we had surrention of his country: he felt peculiar dered every thing and excluded pain at opposing the measures of ourselves. In Malta the French men with whom he had so long were to have equal footing with acted, and with whom he was con- ourselves. In short, he saw nothing nected by the ties of friendship; but a precarious peace. It was said but his opinion on this subject was it was the interest of France to diametrically opposite to theirs. maintain this peace, but who had He thought that no single object of learned to calculate the interest of the war had been obtained, and an usurper? If ever peace was prethat we had sacrificed all means of carious, this was that peace. protection. We had in every part ever precarious peace was dangerous, of the world made cessions of coun- this was that peace. The French tries which the valour of our forces principles are triumphant, and If adorned adorned with all the attraction and dignity of success. He felt sorry to differ from ministers, and considered it now most peculiarly his duty to support such measures of vigour as might give the country a chance of safety. The duke of Clarence supported the peace. He considered that we had as much security as could be expected in those revolutionary times, from a government of the nature of the French republic. His royal highness took an able review of the events of the last war: after bestowing the warmest encomiums on our fleets, he paid the highest tribute of applause to the gallantry of the British soldiers during the course of the war. In this respect he traced the glory of the British arms, not only in gallant exploits achieved upon the continent of Europe, but in the conquest of the enemy's colonies, and in the overthrow and destruction of Tippoo Saib. While the British arins were attended with such glory and success, a gigantic enterprise of the present first consul of France threatened for a time to interrupt their progress. 40,000 of the best troops of the French republic embarked on the expedition to Egypt. This plan not only menaced all our possessions in the East, but threatened the existence of the Turkish government. The first important check which this formidable army of French invaders met, was from a handful of British troops under Sir Sidney Smith, long before the landing of that army which became in their turn the conquerors of Egypt. It was on the memorable 21st of March last, when a British army, engaged with a French army, proved itself superior both in courage and capacity. The French, although superior in numbers, were very inferior in military address. After passing very high encomiums on the conduct of our army, his royal highness passed to the brilliant achievements of our navy. The memorable 1st of June, 14th of February, 11th of October, and 1st of August, would be for ever brilliant and glorious in our naval history. The time was however come for making peace. Each of the powers, from their vast couquests, was placed in that predicament, that no blow could be given with effect on either side. France had completely overcome every contending power on the continent. Great Britain, as far as regarded maritime affairs, was in the same state. This was therefore (as expressed by a distinguished personage) no common peace; but a reconciliation of differences between the two greatest powers in the world! He considered the possessions that we retained as very judiciously selected, not only from their productions and real value, but on account of their situations and the advantages we might derive from their harbours. It was the obvious policy of Great Britain to pay her principal attention to commercial stations; while an immense power like France naturally looked to continental acquisitions. His royal highness concluded by giving his hearty assent to the motion. Lord Pelham, in vindication of the treaty, compared it with the projet which the former ministers had given in in 1797. The only difference was, that the Cape of Good Hope, which by that projet was to have been retained, is now to be made |