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sent this bill to the committee with specific instructions, to stand by those instructions so far as the action of this committee is concerned.

The SPEAKER. The Chair will remind the gentleman that the merits of the bill are not under consideration at this time.

Mr. COLFAX. For one, I do not intend to hazard the passage of this bill by such a course. It has been once defeated by attempting too much. But the bill as agreed upon the other day is certain to pass, and I wish to secure that.

The SPEAKER. The Chair must again remind the gentleman that it is not in order at this time to discuss the merits of the bill.

Mr. COLFAX. Then I will change my remarks to the point of order, as I had concluded what I wished to say on the other subject. Iam glad that the Speaker has reminded me of that point. This committee were discharged, by our rules, when they made their former report. There is no question as to that fact. They were revived by a specific order of the House for the purpose of performing a specific act, and the moment that specific act is performed, the functions of the committee again cease.

The committee cannot, therefore, report any other amendment than that directed by the House. The gentleman from Massachusetts may, upon his own responsibility, I grant, submit another amendment, after performing his duty as the chairman of the committee in reporting the bill and substitute back to the House, and before demanding the previous question. But there is nothing clearer in the rules than that when a committee has once been discharged and again revived for a specific purpose, it can simply accomplish that purpose and go no further. I think, therefore, that the gentleman from Missouri is correct, beyond a doubt, in saying that the gentleman from Massachusetts cannot report back matter which was not included in the instructions of the House; but must offer amendments, if at all, on his own responsibility. Mr. WICKLIFFE. I am very glad to hear my position sustained so ably on both sides of the House. Iam inclined to think I am right. [Laughter.]

The SPEAKER. The Chair is inclined to think the gentleman is right. [Laughter.] The Chair will state that this being a case of recommitment with specific instructions, the Chair does not think it would revive the general powers of the committee. The Chair is satisfied, upon further consideration, that the committee could not make any report relative to the matter, except in strict conformity with their instructions.

Mr. ELIOT. Under the decision of the Chair, as now made, I then report back the bill committed to the committee, with the substitute, as directed by the House.

Now, Mr. Speaker, I submit as an amendinent to the report of the committee what I send to the Chair.

Mr. THOMAS, of Massachusetts. I rise to a question of order. I submit that the substitute reported by the committee contains embodied in it the amendments which the Chair has decided could not be received; and that the gentleman has not, therefore, reported as required by the instructions of the House.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman will state his point of order.

Mr. THOMAS, of Massachusetts. It is that the gentleman from Massachusetts has not reported the substitute of the gentleman from Indiana as directed by the House, but has reported it with amendments of his own incorporated in it.

The SPEAKER. The Chair understood the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ELIOT] to say that he reported back the bill with the substitute as directed by the House, and that he then submitted an amendment to the substitute.

Mr. ELIOT. I have withdrawn the substitute which the Chair decided could not be reported, and have reported the substitute of the gentleman from Indiana in accordance with the order of the House.

Mr. KELLOGG, of Illinois. I rise to a point of order: that the select committee having ordered a particular proposition to be reported, that report cannot be changed by the chairman of the committee. It can only be changed by the committee itself. The gentleman from Massachusetts is therefore estopped from making the alteration of his first report which he now proposes. I hold

that the report which he now submits is not the report of the committee, because he has already submitted what he declared to be the report of the select committee.

The SPEAKER. The point of order raised by the gentleman from Illinois involves a question of fact.

Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri. The report of the committee is in the possession of the House. It has been reported to the House by the gentleman from Massachusetts. It is not private property.

The SPEAKER. The Chair decided that the first proposition could not be the report of the committee, and it has been withdrawn. The Chair decides that the gentleman from Massachusetts could not change the report of the committee. To that extent the Chair sustains the point of order raised by the gentleman from Illinois. He does not understand the fact to be as the gentleman from Illinois has stated it, that the gentleman from Massachusetts has submitted a report from the select committee which he now proposes to change.

Mr. KELLOGG, of Illinois. That is a matter of record.

The SPEAKER. When the gentleman from Massachusetts first took the floor he said that he reported back a substitute under the resolution of the House instructing the committee to report. By the direction of the committee, he proposed a substitute for the bill which had been referred to that committee. That is all the gentleman stated.

Mr. KELLOGG, of Illinois. I do not so understand the statement of the gentleman from Massachusetts. The gentleman said he reported back a bill with amendments.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts now proposes, as an individual, an amendment to the substitute reported from the committee. The Chair understands that to be the state of the case.

Mr. KELLOGG, of Illinois. The papers are in the possession of the House, and I ask that they be read. Their reading will determine my point of order, and will show the House exactly how the matter stands.

Mr. WICKLIFFE. Mr. Speaker, I am a compromise man, and the House must see that there is no way of getting rid of the present difficulty except by the recommittal of this whole subject to the select committee.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts is entitled to the floor.

Mr. ELIOT. I have reported back the bill with a substitute.

Mr. MALLORY. Does the Chair overrule the point of order raised by the gentleman from Illinois?

The SPEAKER. The point of order raised by the gentleman from Illinois turned upon a question of fact, and the Chair has decided according to the statement made by the gentleman from Massachusetts.

Mr. HICKMAN. We can get the best understanding of what has occurred in this matter from the official reporters.

Mr. THOMAS, of Massachusetts. Let my colleague state whether the Speaker has given the fact accurately as it occurred.

Mr. COLFAX. I rise to a point of order, and it is that the decision of the Chair is final, unless some gentleman takes an appeal from that decision.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts has made a statement, and on that statement the Chair was, of course, bound to overrule the question of order raised by the gentleman from Illinois.

Mr. ELIOT. I have reported the bill precisely as the committee instructed me to report it to the House, and I have proposed amendments to the report of the committee, which are now in the hands of the Clerk.

Mr. HICKMAN. Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a question?

Mr. MALLORY. I rise to a point of order. The gentleman from Massachusetts distinctly, as he admitted in reply to me from my place, reported a bill from a special committee on confiscation, with amendments. I inquired whether he reported those amendments by authority of the committee, or whether he reported them as an individual member of the House. His reply was that he reported the amendments in his authority as chairman of the committee. My point of order

is this: that, on that state of fact, the bill and amendments constitute the report of the chairman of the special committee on confiscation, and that having made the report in that way, he has no right now to alter it.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts sent the bill to the table, with these amendments, in the nature of a substitute, and the point of order being raised, the Chair ruled them out, because the report was not as the committee were instructed to report it. The committee report the bill with a substitute, to which the gentleman from Massachusetts, as an individual, moves certain amendments. The Chair, therefore, overrules the point of order raised by the gentleman from Kentucky.

Mr. MALLORY. I take an appeal from that decision of the Chair.

Mr. HUTCHINS. I'move that the appeal be laid upon the table.

Mr. MALLORY. I demand the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered

Mr. RICHARDSON. I hope my friend from Kentucky will withdraw his appeal.

Mr. MALLORY. I do not withdraw my appeal, but I withdraw the demand for the yeas and nays.

Mr. HUTCHINS. I renew the demand for the yeas and nays.

Mr. WICKLIFFE. The report as made was not in obedience to the order of the House. It was made, however, by order of the committee. Now, I ask whether it is in order for the gentleman from Massachusetts, without the consent of the committee, to make another proposition which the special committee has not ordered to be reported?

The SPEAKER. The gentleman does not understand the state of the case. The report made from the special committee is the report which the gentleman from Massachusetts was instructed to make by that committee. He reports back the bill, with a substitute.

Mr. SHEFFIELD. I demand the regular order of business.

The SPEAKER. The morning hour having expired, the next business is the consideration of the special orders which have been set apart for this day, one being the territorial business, and the other the Treasury note bill.

Mr. NOELL. I desire to submit a minority report from the special committee on the subject of confiscation, that all the propositions may go together and be printed.

Mr. STEVENS. I make the point of order that there can be no minority report; that there can be no report except that ordered by a majority of the committee.

The SPEAKER. The point stated by the gentleman from Pennsylvania is certainly a good one; but the gentleman from Missouri asks the consent of the House to submit the views of the minority of the committee.

Mr. NOELL. I know that the minority of the committee has no right to make a report; but it has been usual to extend the courtesy of the House to the minorities of committees by permitting them to submit their views, and to order the printing of whatever propositions they may present.

Mr. MALLORY. I object for the present. I do not want this question to come up in any way. Mr. ELIOT. Let the amendments be printed. Mr. THOMAS, of Massachusetts. I ask that` the whole record be printed, so that it will show exactly the report that was made by my colleague.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I desire to say in reference to this matter a word or two

The SPEAKER. The subject of confiscation is not now before the House.

TERRITORIAL BUSINESS.

Mr. SPAULDING. I move that the rules be suspended, and the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. Mr. ASHLEY. What is the first business in order?

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Mr. SPAULDING. I withdraw my first motion, and move that the further consideration of the territorial business be postponed to, and made the special order for, Wednesday next.

Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri. The demand Treasury note bill was made the special order for this day and every day thereafter until disposed of. The SPEAKER. But it was made a special order subsequent to the territorial business. Mr. SPAULDING's motion was agreed to.

Mr. SEDGWICK. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to take from the Speaker's table certain bills from the Senate, for reference to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

Mr. ALDRICH. Let us go to the Speaker's table, and take up and refer all of the bills from the Senate.

The SPEAKER. If there be no objection, the Chair will consider the proposition of the gentleman from Minnesota as being agreed to.

There was no objection, and it was so ordered. POLYGAMY.

The SPEAKER laid before the House bill of the House (No. 391) to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy in the Territories of the United States and other places, and disapproving and annulling certain acts of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah-reported from the Senate with amendments.

The SPEAKER. The bill and amendments will be referred to the Committee on Territories.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I object to these bills being taken up for reference. There is no necessity for the reference of this bill.

The SPEAKER. The order has been made. Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I move to reconsider the vote by which the order was made; and on that motion I demand tellers.

Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. MORRILL, of Vermont, and OLIN, were appointed.

The tellers reported-ayes sixty-eight, noes not counted.

So the motion to reconsider was agreed to.

The SPEAKER. The question recurs upon the request for unanimous consent that the House proceed to the Speaker's table and take up the bills thereon for the purpose of reference.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I object. By unanimous consent the following bills and resolutions were taken from the Speaker's table, read a first and second time, and referred as indicated below.

DAVID G. FARRAGUT.

A joint resolution (S. No. 83) of thanks to Captain David G. Farragut, of the United States Navy, and to the officers and men under his command-to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

CREW OF THE VARUNA.

A joint resolution (S. No. 85) to compensate the crew of the United States steamer Varuna for clothing and other property lost in the public serviceto the Committee on Naval Affairs.

SECOND LIEUTENANTS OF MARINES. A bill (S. No. 306) to regulate the appointment of second lieutenants of the marine corps-to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

RAILROADS IN MINNESOTA.

A joint resolution (S. No. 80) authorizing the State of Minnesota to change the line of certain branch railroads in said State, and for other purposes to the Committee on Public Lands.

ISSUING OF PROCESS.

A bill (S. No. 291) providing for the issuing of process to, and service of the same, by indifferent persons-to the Committee on the Judiciary.

ENCOURAGEMENT TO ENLISTMENT.

A joint resolution (S. No. 88) to encourage enlistment in the regular Army and volunteer forces to the Committee on Military Affairs.

ENROLLED BILLS.

Mr. GRANGER, from the Committee on Enrolled Bills, reported that they had examined and found truly enrolled bills and a resolution of the following titles; which were subsequently signed by the Speaker:

An act (H. R. No. 495) providing that the officers of volunteers shall be paid on the pay roll of the regiments or companies to which they belong;

An act (H. R. No. 474) to direct the Secretary of the Treasury to issue American registers to certain vessels;

An act (II. R. No. 499) making appropriation for postal service on post-routes established at the present session of Congress; and

Joint resolution (H. R. No. 72) transferring the supervision of the Potomac water works to the Department of the Interior.

MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE.

A message from the Senate, by Mr. FORNEY, their Secretary, informed the House that the Senate had passed a bill (No. 343) to provide additional medical officers of the volunteer service; in which the concurrence of the House was requested.

Also, that the Senate disagree to the report of the committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the bill (H. R. No. 413) making appropriations for the payment of the bounty authorized by the sixth section of an act entitled "An act to authorize the employment of volunteers to aid in enforcing the laws and protecting public property, approved July 22, 1861, and for other purposes," and ask a further conference on said disagreeing votes; and that they had appointed Mr. SHERMAN, Mr. WILMOT, and Mr. POWELL members of such committee upon the part of the Senate.

Also, that the Senate agree to the amendment of the House of Representatives to the bill (S. No. 241) to change the location of the port of entry for the Puget Sound collection district.

TREASURY NOTE BILL.

Mr. SPAULDING. Inow move that the rules be suspended, and that the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union for the purpose of taking up the Treasury note bill.

The motion was agreed to.

The House accordingly resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri, in the chair,) and proceeded to the consideration of the bill (H. R. No. 187) to authorize an additional issue of United States Treasury notes, and for other purposes, reported back from the Committee of Ways and Means, with an amendment in the nature of a substitute.

Mr. SPAULDING. I move to dispense with the reading of the original bill, and that the substitute be read.

Mr. THOMAS, of Massachusetts. I object.
The original bill was then read.

By unanimous consent leave was granted to Mr. BAILY to print some remarks upon the subject before the committee. [His remarks will be published in the Appendix.]

The substitute reported by the Committee of Ways and Means was read, as follows:

That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to issue, in addition to the amounts heretofore authorized, on the credit of the United States, $150,000,000 of United States notes, not bearing interest, payable at the Treasury of the United States, and of such denominations as he may deem expedient, not less than five dollars; and such notes shall be receivable in payment of all loans made to the United States, and of all taxes, internal duties, excises, debts, and demands of every kind due to the United States, except duties on imports and interest, and of all claims and demands against the United States, except for interest upon bonds, notes, and certificates of debt or deposit; and shall also be lawful money and a legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private, within the United States, except duties on imports and interest, as aforesaid. And any holder of said United States notes depositing any sum not less than fifty dollars, or some multiple of fifty dollars, with the Treasurer of the United States, or either of the Assistant Treasurers, shall receive in exchange therefor duplicate certificates of deposit, one of which may be transmitted to the Secretary of the Treasury, who shall thereupon issue to the holder an equal amount of bonds of the United States, coupon or registered, as may by said holder be desired, bearing interest at the rate of six per cent. per annum, payable semi-annually, and redeemable at the pleasure of the United States after five years, and payable twenty years from the date thereof. And the Secretary of the Treasury may exchange for such notes, on such terms as he shall think most beneficial to the public interest, any bonds of the United States bearing six per cent. interest, and redeemable after five and payable in twenty years, which have been or may be lawfully issued under the provisions of any existing act; may reissue the notes so received in exchange; may receive and cancel any notes heretofore lawfully issued under any act of Congress, and in lieu thereof issue an equal amount in notes such as are authorized by this act; and inay purchase, at rates not exceeding that of the current market, and cost of purchase not exceeding one eighth of one per cent., any bonds or certificates of debt of the United States as he may deem advisable.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and is hereby, authorized, in case he shall

think it inexpedient to procure said notes, or any part thereof, to be engraved and printed by contract, to cause the said notes, or any part thereof, to be engraved, printed, and executed, in such form as he shall prescribe, at the Treasury Department in Washington, and under his direction; and he is hereby empowered to purchase and provide all the machinery and materials and to employ such persons and appoint such officers as may be necessary for this purpose.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That the limitation upon temporary deposits of United States notes with any Assistant Treasurer, or designated depositary authorized by the Secretary of the Treasury to receive such deposits to $50,000,000, be, and is hereby, repealed; and the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to receive such deposits,under such regulations as he may prescribe, to such amount as he may deem expedient, not exceeding $100,000,000, for not less than thirty days, in sums not less than $100, at a rate of interest not exceeding five per cent. per annum ; and any amount so deposited may be withdrawn from deposit, at any time after ten days' notice, on the return of the certificate of deposit: Provided, however, That United States notes to an amount not less than one third of the aggregate sum of said deposits, shall at all times be reserved in the Treasury of the United States, or from issue under this act, for the purpose of securing prompt payment of such deposits on demand: And provided further, That certificates of deposit and of indebtedness issued under this or former acts may be received on the same terms as United States notes in payment for bonds redeemable after five and payable in twenty years.

SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury may, at any time, until otherwise ordered by Congress, and under the restrictions imposed by the "Act to authorize a national loan, and for other purposes," borrow, on the credit of the United States, such part of the sum of $250,000,000 mentioned in said act as may not have been borrowed, under the provisions of the same, within twelve months from the passage thereof.

SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That any part of the appropriation of $10,000 for the detection and bringing to trial of persons engaged in counterfeiting the coin of the United States made by the act entitled "An act making appropriations for the legislative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for the year ending June 30, 1861," approved June 23, 1860, may be applied in detecting and bringing to trial and punishment persons engaged in counterfeiting Treasury notes, bonds, or other securities of the United States, as well as the coin of the United States. And to carry into effect the preceding sections of this act, the sum of $300,000 is hereby appropriated out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated.

SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That all the provisions of the act entitled "An act to authorize the issue of United States notes, and for the redemption or funding thereof, and for funding the floating debt of the United States," approved February 25, 1862, so far as the same can or may be applied to the provisions of this act, and not inconsistent therewith, shall apply to the notes hereby authorized to be issued.

Mr. SPAULDING. This is an important measure, and I desire to submit a few remarks in the opening of the debate upon the subject.

The requirements of the Treasury will probably not be less than $250,000,000 to meet current expenses to the 1st day of January next. How is this large sum to be obtained? I believe it can only be obtained in the mode which has been successfully adopted during the last six months. The financial plan initiated six months ago as a exceeded the most sanguine expectations of its necessary war measure has worked well. It has strongest advocates. The Secretary of the Treasury recommends a continuance of the plan which has so successfully carried the country through the perils of the past six months. I shall cordially coöperate with the Secretary, hoping that it may be equally successful in the future. It is our duty now to provide all the means which shall be necessary to pay all the current expenses to the 1st day of January. The bill now under consideration is deemed necessary for that purpose, and the Secretary assures us that the condition of the Treasury renders prompt action highly desirable.

During the pending war, neither the President, the Secretary of the Treasury, nor Congress, can fix a limit to the expenditures of the Government, and cannot, therefore, fix a limit to the obligations to be issued on its credit. All that the Secretary can say, all that Congress can declare, is, that the President, as Commander-in-Chief, by his subordinate officers, must contract all the debts which shall be necessary to maintain the Army and Navy, and all other expenses incident to a vigorous prosecution of the war. The largest latitude is given to the President, Secretary of War, and Secretary of the Navy, in carrying on the war. They have full discretionary power to contract all the debts which they may deem necessary to amply supply the Army and Navy. All parties loyal to the Government are united in urging a vigorous prosecution of the war; all parties, therefore, ought to be willing to furnish all the means necessary for this purpose. We must, at any rate, pay all the debts contracted by the Executive in the progress of the war. If we knew how much this would amount to, we could easily figure up the amount of the bonds and notes which Congress must authorize

the Secretary to issue. No man, not even the President, the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, the Secretary of the Treasury, or the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, or all of them together, can give even an approximate estimate as to the whole cost of this war, because they do not know the number of years it will continue, nor what will be the final solution of the grave questions involved. We are working out a great problem, the result of which no man can know. Slavery was the cause of this war; and until the solution of the slavery question is arrived at, and the cause of the rebellion removed, we have no hope of permanent peace and tranquillity. This will take a long time; but how long no man is wise enough to determine. The war debt we all know is already large, and that it is growing fearfully larger every day. Many capitalists and bankers have already invested all their surplus means in United States stocks.

of the campaign, and cheerfully take these notes
in payment. Supplies, subsistence, and material
of war of all kinds is eagerly furnished, and these
green-backs taken in exchange for the same. This
kind of loan is so popular with the people, and||
being without interest, is so advantageous to the
Government, it is desirable that it should be ex-
tended as far as it can be done safely and without
unduly stimulating speculations to such an extent
as to cause an unfavorable reaction to the legiti-
mate business of the country. But when bonds
can be negotiated at par, I think it will be safer
to have bonds negotiated than to issue legal tender

notes.

2. The second kind of loan has been the issue of bonds running from five to twenty years at six per cent. interest per annum, which is an advantageous mode for the Government to borrow money, because the debt is then funded; and it is also favorable to commerce, because it causes no disturbance in the money market or business of the country, provided the money is not taken from the capital of men engaged in active business, but is obtained from capitalists who desire permanent investments and who only want to use the interest half yearly. This mode of borrowing must necessarily be limited to the amount of accumulated capital in the country held by those who are willing to invest it in this way. It is a permanent and safe investment in the hands of those persons who want to use only the interest on their accumulated capital.

3. A third kind of loan which has thus far worked very well in practice, are deposits in the Treasury of the United States, for which certificates are issued bearing four and five per cent. interest, and which deposits may be withdrawn from the Treasury on giving ten days' notice after thirty days. The Government has borrowed over fifty million dollars at this low rate of interest, and the bill now before us proposes to give the Secretary power to extend the amount to $100,000,000. To guard against any sudden call that may be made for these deposits, the Secretary proposes to keep on hand, in Treasury notes ready to be issued, one third of the amount of the current deposits which may at any time be in the Treasury. With this safeguard, this kind of loan will be very advantageous to the Government as well as to the depositors.

During the debate on the Treasury note bill in January and February last, I submitted, with some degree of diffidence as to its accuracy, an estimate of what I thought the whole debt (floating as well as funded debt) of the United States would be on the 1st of July next, and also what the funded and floating debt would be on the 1st of July, 1863, if the war should be prosecuted to that time on the same scale that it is now carried on. I have not seen since, and do not now see, any reason to change the estimates I then made. I then said it was impossible to estimate, definitely, what the war would cost, and therefore it was impossible to fix any limit to the amount of paper (obligations of the Government either in the form of notes, bonds, or certificates of deposit) that must be issued during its prosecution. The experience of the last few months has demonstrated the truth of these remarks. We must first apply all the money we can collect from duties on imports, excises, internal duties, direct taxes, and confiscations of the property of rebels, which may amount during the current year (of money actually realized) to $125,000,000, perhaps more, and possibly less. All the expenses of the war, over and above the amount realized from these sources, must be provided for by borrowing in some form upon the credit of the Government. Paper credit in some form must be issued during the next fiscal year to a very large amount. However much we may deprecate it, this will be an imperative necessity which we cannot avoid. However much this may be a departure from sound business and financial principles applicable to times of peace, we cannot, we must not, shrink from the responsibility which is forced upon us in the prosecution of this war. We must boldly meet every exigency in financial as well as in military and naval operations. Notes and bonds must be authorized by Congress, and must be negotiated by the Secretary of the Treasury, amply sufficient to sustain the Army and Navy, or the war must stop. If we have not the money, we have what is equally or more important: the country is full of provis-six per cent. bonds. This is the most objectionions, clothing, and the material of war. Treasury notes and bonds, issued on the credit of the Government, will procure all these supplies to maintain your Army and Navy. The war, therefore, can go on, and will go on vigorously if we carry out the views submitted to us by the Secretary of the Treasury.

In what form or mode has the credit of the Government been thus far used in the prosecution of this war? Five different forms of credit have been resorted to. Loans to the Government, for which obligations have been issued, are as follows:

1. United States notes, without interest, made a legal tender and circulated as money among the people in all parts of the United States. This is the people's loan to the Government and the most popular mode of borrowing ever adopted by any Government. It has given the country a sound national currency, in which the people have had entire confidence. Every man, woman, and child having a five dollar legal tender green-back note in possession, has directly or indirectly loaned to the Government that amount, and becoming thereby interested in the perpetuity of the Government, is a strong advocate for a vigorous prosecution of the war. A fair test of the loyalty of all such holders of notes may be seen in their manifestation of confidence that they are perfectly good. The soldier and sailor give their services, risk their lives, and endure all the hardships, sickness, and privations

this contrast of the magnitude of the public debts respectively of Great Britain and the United States, and the annual cost of their support: public debt of Great Britain, £800,000,000-at an annual charge of £28,262,000; public debt of the United States, £100,000,000-at an annual charge of £4,350,000.

There is still another kind of indebtedness-the floating debt.created in various forms every day by officers of the Government. This accrued indebtedness, existing in different forms, must, with our extended line of military and naval operations, be very large. It exists in the shape of accounts, services, transportation, bounties, and and all other modes in which debts are made against the Government in enlisting, calling out the militia, and in supplying the Army and Navy with the necessary material of war. On this kind of indebtedness, the Government gets a credit of from one to four months. The whole accrued indebtedness of the United States, funded and unfunded, on the 1st day of July next, it is believed, will not exceed $650,000,000.

I never have been, and I trust I never shall be, unnecessarily an advocate for the creation of an unsound or an inflated currency; but, sir, I have long ago resolved, since this savage war has been forced upon us, to do whatever was necessary, and which I might lawfully do, to crush out the traitors and annihilate their armies. This cannot be done without the "sinews of war. Your Army and Navy must be supplied with all the terrible armament necessary to crush the enemy. Your sick, wounded, and famishing soldiers must all be supplied with hospitals, medical attendance, and all necessaries and conveniences to make them comfortable. This is a plain duty which we cannot any of us fail to perform. If, in the performance of this duty, it becomes necessary to authorize a further issue of United States notes, I shall not hesitate to give my vote for it. I am not in favor of increasing the issue of them beyond the imperative necessities of the Government to sustain the Army and Navy. I much prefer to have our six per cent. bonds issued on permanent loans. I would like to see the Secretary of the Treasury borrow at par all the money he can on the six per cent. bonds heretofore authorized to be issued.

When money can be obtained at par on six per cent. bonds, I would prefer to have that done to the issuing a very large amount of legal tender notes. Too large an issue of demand notes, to circulate as money, will no doubt lead to an expansion which will inflate prices, stimulate undue

4. Certificates of indebtedness at one year, bearing six per cent. interest per annum, given in payment for supplies, transportation, and material furnished in the prosecution of the war. This is an advantageous form of credit given to the Gov-speculations, and ultimately produce a reaction ernment, because it is for a definite time and at the customary rate of six per cent. interest. This form of indebtedness has already reached about fifty million dollars, and may be still further increased under the law already in existence.

5. Treasury notes at three years, bearing seven
and three tenths per cent. interest per annum, pay-
able half yearly, and convertible into twenty years

able form of borrowing of any that has been adopt-
ed, for the reason that the rate of interest is too
high-a much higher rate than this great Govern-
ment, with all its immense power and resources,
ought to pay. I think this form of borrowing
money should only be resorted to when we can-
not obtain money to carry on the war in any other

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that will derange the whole business of the country. This is to be avoided if possible. I cannot, therefore, advocate any greater issue of demand notes than the absolute necessities of the Government require to carry on the war with vigor. I am disposed to give the Secretary power to issue the additional $150,000,000 United States notes asked for by him; but, at the same time, I feel the importance of having this power exercised discreetly, and I trust that he will not issue, or pay them out at all, when money can be obtained at par on our six per cent. bonds. I do not understand that the Secretary intends to have them all issued and put into circulation at any one time; on the contrary, I believe he has no such intention. He wants the power to issue and use them if necessary, but not otherwise. When he can obtain a sufficient amount of money at par, on six per cent. bonds, or by temporary deposits in the Treasury, there will be no necessity for their issue, and the Secretary assures us in his letter that no further issue of notes will be made when that can be done; and, besides, the bill provides for his retaining in his own hands legal tender notes equal to one third of the temporary deposits that may be in the Treasury. Our Army and Navy and all debts of the Government should be punetually paid. No sacrifice on our part should be too great to raise all the means necessary for this purpose. The Secretary should, therefore, be clothed with ample power to meet any exigency that may arise.

The money for the large liabilities of the Government that have actually been met and canceled since the passage of the first legal tender note bill, could not have been raised by a forced sale of six per cent. bonds without a heavy sacrifice. When that bill passed this House our six per cent. twenty years bonds were ten per cent. below par. Now

they are from one to two per cent. above the price of gold. If, at the time of the passage of the first note bill, large amounts of bonds had been forced upon the market, as would have been necessary but for the passage of that bill, it would have depressed the six per cent. bonds still lower. There was not then money enough in the country seeking permanent investment, to absorb all the bonds required by the Government to meet the immediate and pressing demands upon the Treasury. This state of things may again occur. I hope not. I trust that there will be no necessity for any considerable issue of new notes; but to guard against possible contingencies, I am willing to confer large powers upon the Secretary, believing that he will exercise the power wisely, patriotically, and for the best interests of the country. I shall not, therefore, hesitate to clothe him with this great power, and shall, under the exigencies of the crisis, vote for this additional issue of legal tender notes.

As to the propriety of authorizing the Secretary to issue a portion of this amount in sums less than five dollars, I should, under ordinary circumstances, oppose giving such authority. As a general rule, the issue of small notes should not be adopted for a national currency; but I am disposed, in the present exigency, to vote for this provision, in accordance with the suggestions of the Secretary of the Treasury, and for the reasons urged by him in his communication, sent to us on the 7th instant. I read from Miscellaneous Document No. 81:

"If Congress shall see fit to authorize the additional emission proposed, it seems highly expedient that such part as the public convenience shall require be issued in denominations less than five dollars.

"I am aware of the general objections to the issue of notes under five dollars, and concede their cogency. Indeed, under ordinary circumstances, they are unanswerable; but in the existing circumstances of the country they lose most, if not all, their force. The country is involved in the expenditures of a contest for national existence, and it is highly desirable that the burdens of the people be made as tolerable as possible.

"If the restriction on the issue of small denomination be removed, the wants of the country will absorb a circulation of $25,000,000, and perhaps more. The interest on this circulation, say $1,500,000 a year, will be saved to the tax payers.

Payments to public creditors, and especially to soldiers, now require large amounts of coin to satisfy fractional demands less than five dollars. Great inconveniences in payment of the troops are thus occasioned. With every effort on the part of the Treasury to provide the necessary amount of coin, it is found impracticable always to satisfy their demands.

"When the amount required is furnished, the temptation to disbursing officers to exchange it for any small bank notes that the soldiers or the public creditors will take is too great to be always resisted. And even when the coin reaches the creditors it is seldom held, but passes, in general, immediately into the hands of sutlers and others, and disappears at once from circulation. The inconveniences therefore to the Government and creditors from the absence of United States notes of small denominations are not compensated by anybody.

"It may properly be further observed, that since the United States notes are made a legal tender, and maintained nearly at the par of gold by the provision for the conversion into bonds bearing six per cent. interest payable in coin, it is not easy to see why small notes may not be issued as safely as large ones.

"The notes made a legal tender circulate as money, and the Government may authenticate by device and imprint small notes as well as small coins. The limit is to be found only in public convenience, which dictates denominations in notes similar to denominations in gold, leaving the small circulation of siver (less valuable than gold) as before.

"Another consideration which deserves to be taken in the account is this, that resumption of payments in specic can be more certainly and easily effected, and with far less of inconvenience and loss to the community, if the currency, small as well as large, is of United States notes, than if the channels of circulation are left to be filled up by the emissions of non-specie-paying corporations, solvent and insolvent.

"These considerations of economy, of public advantage, and of private convenience, seem to me to justify fully the removal of the restriction upon the issue of small notes.

"I propose, further, to make arrangements for the necessary engraving and other work, for the printing and preparation for the issue of these notes in the Treasury Department at Washington. I am led to believe that a very considerable reduction of expense can be thus effected. The prospect, in my judginent, certainly warrants the trial. "With these objects I have prepared a bill which I propose to submit to the consideration of the committee. The condition of the Treasury renders prompt action highly desirable, and I trust it is not necessary to assure the committee or Congress that should the powers asked for be granted they will be executed only with the most careful reference to the requirements of the public interest.

"Whatever the authority granted may be, no issue of notes will be made except to replace notes withdrawn and canceled, and to meet the current expenditures authorized by Congress, which cannot be met from the receipts of revenue, from the increase of deposits, and from the proceeds of the conversion into five-twenties. "With great respect,

S. P. CHASE,
"Secretary of the Treasury."

I have thus briefly stated the condition and wants of the Treasury. Two hundred and fifty million dollars will be required, as I stated before, to carry us to the 1st of January next. That is more than the coin in all the banks of the United States, and nearly equal to all the coin of the United States in the hands of individuals and banks. The ground upon which the Secretary of the Treasury, and upon which the Committee of Ways and Means rest this issue of notes, is the necessity of the case. The Secretary urges immediate action in view of the condition of the Treasury. I therefore trust the House will take up this bill in the regular way, debate it to the extent which may seem desirable and necessary, and pass it at as early a day as possible.

Mr. STEVENS. I move to amend the substitute by striking out from the word “and,” in the || eighteenth line, to the word "thereof," in line twenty-nine, as follows:

And any holder of said United States notes depositing any sum not less than fifty dollars, or some multiple of fifty dollars, with the Treasurer of the United States, or either of the Assistant Treasurers, shall receive in exchange therefor duplicate certificates of deposit, one of which may be transmitted to the Secretary of the Treasury, who shall thereupon issue to the holder an equal amount of bonds of the United States, coupon or registered, as may by said holder be desired, bearing interest at the rate of six per cent. per annum, payable semi-annually, and redeemable at the pleasure of the United States after five years, and payable twenty years from the date thereof.

Mr. COLFAX. I desire to ask the gentleman from Pennsylvania a question. The gentleman proposes to strike out the convertibility clause, and I wish to know whether he proposes to substitute any other kind of convertibility for these bank notes than that of five-twenty years bonds, as proposed in this clause?

Mr. STEVENS. By the law as it now stands, and as this law would be with this clause in it any person holding legal tender notes can compel their conversion at par. Now it so happens, at this moment, that were it not for this provision, they could be converted into bonds at nearly seven per cent. premium upon the bonds. On Friday and Saturday last coupons were selling at seven per cent. premium. These might not go quite so high, but they would sell at considerable advance above par. It is in order to give the Treasurer an opportunity to convert as large an amount of these bonds as possible, at such rate as he may be able to get, that I move to strike out this clause.

Mr. COLFAX. I will state to the Committee of Ways and Means the trouble which suggests itself to my mind. I speak with deference to the Committee of Ways and Means, because I have not had the opportunity of investigating this matter as they have. The question with me is whether we ought not to provide a better convertible fund for these demand Treasury notes than we have heretofore provided, instead of striking out the one already authorized. It is true that the six per cent. bonds running twenty years-to 1881were selling in New York yesterday at six per cent above par. And yet, at the same time, the six per cent. bonds, redeemable by the United States after five years and within twenty, called by the Secretary five-twenty years bonds, would not bring such a premium. If they would command any such premium, these demand notes, convertible into such bonds, would be brought in for conversion with great rapidity, and there would not be the large margin between gold and our Government paper.

Now gold is six per cent, above Treasury notes, and it seems to me it is our duty, if possible, to legislate in such a manner as to approximate these Treasury notes to gold. I have thought whether we ought not to make these bonds, into which the notes are convertible, full twenty year bonds instead of five-twenty year bonds. The reason why financiers do not want such bonds is because the Government has the power to redeem them after five years. They will pay much more for absolute twenty year bonds than they will for fivetwenty year bonds. That is the reason why these Treasury notes do not come in as rapidly as they would if the bonds had absolutely twenty years

to run.

Now, one reason, I suppose, why the Secretary of the Treasury opposes their being converted into twenty years bonds is the fact that the Government might desire to pay them off before their maturity, and as the six per cent. bonds will be probably above par if we are at peace; with

a good income, and with prosperity within our borders, we might be compelled to buy those bonds above par as the last Administration was, for it is well known that they bought in Government stocks, before maturity, at sixteen per cent. above par. I do not believe that any such contingency will occur. After the conclusion of the war, and when the finances of the country shall have assumed a more stable condition, in the liquidation of bonds we shall first take up the bonds issued for the debt of $70,000,000 incurred by Mr. Buchanan's administration, and bequeathed by that administration to Mr. Lincoln's administration, some of which are five and some six per cent. bonds. Then I suppose we shall have to take up these demand notes, and of course it will be desirable to take up the seven and three tenths bonds, if possible. I do not suppose that the Government will desire to liquidate a bond running twenty years much before maturity. I throw out these views crudely, and with no great confidence in my own judgment about such matters. But when I see gold going up six or seven per cent. above Treasury notes, it strikes me that if it is possible to make the demand notes convertible into bonds more desirable to financiers, so as to bring them nearer to gold, it would be very desirable.

Mr. STEVENS. I agree perfectly with the remarks made by the gentleman from Indiana. I opposed the substitution of five years bonds for twenty years bonds when the question was before the House. I then said that I knew perfectly well that they would not sell as readily nor for near as much as the twenty years bonds. Every financier must know that to be the fact, if he only looks into the market list. But the House differed with me. The Senate amended the bill, and when it came to the House the House agreed with the Senate after discussion here. I should be very glad now if it were altered, and I hope the gentleman from Indiana or some other gentleman will bring in an amendment to change the bonds hereafter to be issued to twenty years bonds. I am certain that there will be a difference of five per cent. between the two classes of bonds. I have no very great hope that we shall be able to redeem these bonds in five years, and yet the purchasers of these bonds, with the knowledge that they really have twenty years to run, are buying them at the rate of five years bonds, at a clear disadvantage to the Government. I agree entirely with the gentleman from Indiana, and I hope he will make some movement to correct the evil. I do not feel at liberty to do it because I resisted it here when it passed the House, and the House overruled me. All I predicted then has come to pass. I make no claim to be a prophet. I only stated facts deduced from past experience. As I said before, I shall cooperate with any gentleman for the purpose of bringing this about, but I offer this amendment in order that the House may consider it, and I shall not object to the committee's rising at this time.

Mr. ROSCOE CONKLING. I would like to inquire of the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means whether it is the purpose of the committee to amend this bill so as to authorize the issue of a less denomination than five dollars, and if so, what amount?

Mr. STEVENS. The gentleman inquires as to the object of the committee?

Mr. ROSCOE CONKLING. What they intend; what action they have taken.

Mr. STEVENS. The bill sent to us by the Secretary of the Treasury was in accordance with his letter, which is upon our tables, and which I see, by a misprint, is dated the 7th of April instead of the 7th of June. The bill, in accordance with that recommendation, provided for the issue of notes of a smaller denomination than five dollars. A majority of the committee was not in favor of that recommendation, and the committee have, therefore, reported the bill with that clause stricken out; but I understand that it is the intention of some of the members of the committee, not in behalf of the committee, to offer an amendment in accordance with the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I now move that the committee rise.

The motion was agreed to.

So the committee rose; and the Speaker having resumed the chair, Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri, reported that the Committee of the Whole on the

THE OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS, PUBLISHED BY JOHN C. RIVES, WASHINGTON, D. C.

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That from and after the passage of this act, there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the Territories of the United States now existing, or which may at any time hereafter be formed or acquired by the United States, otherwise than in punishment of crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.

Mr. LOVEJOY moved the previous question on concurring in the amendment of the Senate. The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered.

Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri, demanded the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 72, nays 38; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Babbitt, Baker, Beaman, Bingham, Blake, Buffinton, Campbell, Chamberlin, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Conkling, Covode, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Delano, Dunn, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Fisher, Frank, Gooch, Granger, Gurley, Hale, Harrison, Hooper, Horton, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Killinger, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, Moorhead, Justin S. Morrill, Nixon, Olin, Pike, Pomeroy, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Kollins, Sedgwick, Shanks, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Spaulding, Stratton, Benjamin F. Thomas, Train, Trimble, Van Horn, Verree, Wall, Walton, Washburne, Wheeler, Wilson, Windom, and Worcester-72.

NAYS-Messrs. William J. Allen, Ancona, Biddle, George H. Browne, Calvert, Casey, Clements, Corning, Cravens, Crittenden, Dunlap, English, Fouke, Grider, Hall, Harding, Holman, Knapp, Law, Lehman, Mallory, Maynard, Morris, Norton, Odell, Pendleton, John S. Phelps, Richardson, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Segar, William G. Steele, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, and Wood-38.

So the amendment of the Senate was concurred in.

During the roll-call,

Mr. BLAKE stated that Mr. BLAIR, of Pennsylvania, had paired off with Mr. CRISFIELD.

Mr. BROWNE, of Rhode Island, stated that Mr. COBB was confined to his room by sickness. Mr. BAILY announced that he had paired off with his colleague, Mr. PATTON.

Mr. MENZIES stated that he had paired off with Mr. BAXTER, or he would have voted "no." Mr. PIKE announced that Mr. VIBBARD was paired off with Mr. DIVEN.

Mr. PORTER stated that he was absent from the Hall when his name was called, on an errand for a wounded soldier, and asked leave to have his vote recorded in the affirmative.

Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri, objected. The result of the vote having been announced as above recorded,

Mr. LOVEJOY moved to reconsider the vote by which the amendment of the Senate was concurred in; and also moved to lay the motion to reconsider upon the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

POLYGAMY IN UTAH.

The next bill taken up was an act (H. R. No. 391) to punish the practice of polygamy in the

THURSDAY, JUNE 19, 1862.

Territories of the United States and other places, and disapproving and annulling certain acts of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah, with Senate amendments.

The amendments were read, as follows:

Strike out all after the enacting clause, and insert, as a substitute:

That every person having a husband or wife living, who shall marry any other person, whether married or single, in a Territory of the United States, or other place over which the United States have exclusive jurisdiction, shall, except in the cases specified in the proviso to this section, be adjudged guilty of bigamy, and, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding $500, and by impris onment for a term not exceeding five years: Provided, nevertheless, That this section shall not extend to any person by reason of any former marriage whose husband or wife by such marriage shall have been absent for five successive years without being known to such person within that time to be living; nor to any person by reason of any former marriage which shall have been dissolved by the decree of a competent court; nor to any person by reason of any former inarriage which shall have been annulled or pronounced void by the sentence or decree of a competent court on the ground of the nullity of the marriage contract.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the following ordinance of the provisional government of the State of Deseret, so called, namely: "An ordinance incorporating the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints," passed February 8, in the year 1851, and adopted, reenacted, and made valid by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah, by an act passed January 19, in the year 1855, entitled "An act in relation to the compilation and revision of the laws and resolutions in force in Utah Territory, their publication, and distribution," and all other acts and parts of acts heretofore passed by the said Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah, which establish, support, maintain, shield, or countenance polygamy, be, and the same hereby are, disapproved and annulled: Provided, That this act shall be so limited and construed as not to affect or interfere with the right of property legally acquired under the ordinance heretofore mentioned, nor with the right to worship God according to the dictates of couscience," but only to annul all acts and laws which establish, maintain, protect, or countenance the practice of polygamy, evasively called spiritual marriage, however disguised by legal or ecclesiastical solemnities, sacraments, ceremonies, consecrations, or other contrivances.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any corporation or association for religious or charitable purposes to acquire or hold real estate in any Territory of the United States, during the existence of the territorial government, of a greater value than $50,000, and all real estate acquired or held by any such corporation or association contrary to the provisions of this act shall be forfeited and escheat to the United States: Provided, That existing vested rights in real estate shall not be impaired by the provisions of this section.

Amend the title so as to make it read: "A bill to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy in the Territories of the United States and other places, and disapproving and annulling certain acts of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah."

Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri. I think, Mr. Speaker, that this is rather hasty legislation. I should not be at all surprised if it were ascertained that the Catholic Church in the city of Santa Fe owns real estate to the amount of more than fifty thousand dollars under grants made by the Mexican Government. I was about to submit a motion that the bill be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. I recollect very well that, in the hurry and haste of legislation, a bill passed the House to prohibit polygamy in the Territories, which indirectly sanctioned it within the District of Columbia, or inflicted no punishment for it here. I desire that this matter shall be critically examined, and therefore I think it should be referred to the Judiciary Committee.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I am perfectly willing that the bill shall be passed over informally until the gentleman from Missouri can inform himself on the subject.

Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri. I have no objection to letting the bill remain on the Speaker's table. Let the amendments be printed, and let us know what we are legislating upon. Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I have no objection to that.

It was so ordered.

BOUNTY TO VOLUNTEERS.

The SPEAKER next laid before the House a resolution passed by the Senate this day, disagreeing to the report of the committee of conference on the votes of the two Houses on House bill No. 413, making appropriations for the payment of bounty authorized by the sixth section of the act entitled "An act to authorize the employment

NEW SERIES.....No. 174.

of volunteers to aid in enforcing the laws and protecting the public property," approved July 22, 1861, asking for a further conference on the said disagreeing votes, and appointing Messrs. SHERMAN, WILMOT, and PoWELL, a committee of conference on the part of the Senate.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I move that the House insist on its amendments, and agree to the committee of conference.

The motion was agreed to.

Subsequently the Speaker appointed Messrs. WASHBURNE, MAYNARD, and MORRIS, a committee of conference on the part of the House.

NAVAL APPROPRIATION BILL.

The next bill taken up was House bill No. 423, making appropriations for the naval service for the year ending June 30, 1863, with Senate amendments thereto.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I move that the amendments be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means, and ordered to be printed. It was so ordered.

BURNING OF WASHINGTON INFIRMARY. The next bill taken up was House bill No. 449, for the relief of assistant surgeons, medical cadets, sisters of charity, and servants, sufferers by the burning of Washington Infirmary on the night of November 3, 1861, with an amendment of the Senate.

The Senate amendment was concurred in.
AGRICULTURAL COLLEGES.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I now move to pass over the other bills on the Speaker's table, to take up the agricultural college bill.

The motion was agreed to; and an act (No. 298) donating public lands to the States and Territories which may provide colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts was taken up.

Mr. POTTER. I move that the bill be referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I trust it will not be referred, but that the House will pass it.

Mr. POTTER. The bill should be considered by the Committee on Public Lands, and therefore I make that motion, and call the previous question on it.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont, demanded tellers on the previous question.

Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. HOLMAN, and MORRILL of Vermont, were appointed.

The House divided; and the tellers reported— ayes 56, noes 38.

So the previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered; which was on Mr. POTTER's motion to refer the bill to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I desire to know what the effect of the vote will be.

The SPEAKER. If the motion to refer be voted down, the question will be on the third reading of the bill; if it prevails, the bill will be referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. POTTER. I wish to inform the gentleman from Vermont that this bill has never been considered in committee. It is a Senate bill.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. It has been five years before the country, and is essentially the same bill that has repeatedly been before the House.

Mr. HOLMAN. I call for the yeas and nays on the motion to refer.

The yeas and nays were ordered. The question was taken; and it was decided in the negative-yeas 31, nays 83; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Aldrich, Arnold, Ashley, Jacob B. Blair, George H. Browne, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Crisfield, Dunn, Frank, Granger, Hall, Harrison, Holman, Francis W. Kellogg, Lovejoy, Mitchell, Morris, Pendleton, John S. Phelps, Pomeroy, Porter, Potter, Richardson, Robinson, Trimble, Voorhees, Wall, Ward, Wilson, and Windom-31.

NAYS-Messrs. Alley, Ancona, Babbitt, Baily, Baker, Beaman, Blake, William G. Brown, Buffinton, Burnham, Calvert, Campbell, Casey, Chamberlin, Clements, Corning, Covode, Cravens, Crittenden, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Diven, Dunlap, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, English, Fisher, Gooch, Grider, Gurley, Haight, Hale, Harding, Hooper,

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