1862. THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. from injury by the elements, and to complete the dome," I It is believed that the unexpended balances of the appro I am, sir, with mucli respect, your obedient servant, CARMICK AND RAMSEY. On motion of Mr. COLLAMER, it was PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS. Mr. WRIGHT presented a petition of citizens of De Kalb county, Indiana, for the speedy passage of a general uniform bankrupt law; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. SUMNER presented a petition of seven hundred citizens of Bristol county, Massachusetts, for the passage of an act to confiscate the property and free the slaves of rebels; which was referred to the select committee on the subject of confiscation. Mr. HOWE presented a petition of citizens of Middleton, Dane county, Wisconsin, for the construction of a ship canal between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi river; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia. Mr. LATHAM presented a memorial of the Chamber of Commerce of San Francisco, California, praying that the revenue act of March 2, 1861, may be so modified as to admit the importation of all ores of the precious metals free of duty; which was referred to the Committee on Finance. He also presented a memorial of publishers, artists, and others, citizens of the United States, remonstrating against the removal to Washington from the several districts, of the offices for entering and recording the titles of books, prints, &c., and issuing certificates of copyright; which was referred to the Committee on Patents and the Patent Office. REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES. Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, from the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. No. 195) for the reciprocal extinguishment of certain claims between the United States and the representatives of Robert Brent, deceased, asked to be discharged from its further consideration, and that it be referred to the Committee on Claims; which was agreed to. He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the joint resolution (S. No. 78) to suspend all payments under the act approved 25th March, 1862, entitled "An act to secure to the officers and men actually employed in the western department or department of Missouri, their pay, bounty, and pensions," reported it without amendment. Mr. McDOUGALL. I am instructed by the Select committee on the Pacific railroad, to whom was referred the bil (H. R. No. 364) to aid in constructing a railroad and telegraph line from the Missouri river to the Pacific ocean, and to secure LO the Government the use of the same for postal, military, and other purposes, to report it, with amendments. I desire to have prompt action upon Iis bill, for the reason that the two Senators from Missouri are required to return home in a few days; and I give notice that to-morrow morning I shall move that this bill be made the special order for Thursday next, with the pledge on the part of the friends of the bill, so far as I understand them, that they will only ask for voting, and not discussion. BILLS INTRODUCED. Mr. RICE asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a joint resolution (S. No. 80) authorizing the State of Minnesota to relocate a certain railroad, and for other purposes; Ia ich was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. Mr. HOWE asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 307) to grant the right of preemption to settlers on certain lands in Wisconsin; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. He also asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 308) changing the boundaries of the collection district of Milwaukee, in the State of Wisconsin; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Commerce. HOMESTEAD BILL. A special term of any district court may be held at any time that the district judge may order, by house where the court is to be held, and in some giving notice thereof on the front door of the courtplace. respectable newspaper, if there be any, at the The district judge may adjourn the court from time to time, to suit the convenience of litigants, and to meet the necessities of the business, and the intervention of a term of a district or circuit court at another place is to preclude the power to adjourn over to a future day. The terms of the circuit and district courts aro not to be limited to any particular number of days, nor is it to be necessary to adjourn by reason of the intervention of a term of the court elsewhere; but the business of the courts at two places may Mr. LATHAM. I desire to state that had I been present, being necessarily absent, the other day, when the homestead bill was passed, I should, as I have heretofore done, have cheerfully record-proceed, there being a judge present at each place, ed my vote in its favor. Mr. NESMITH. I also desire to state that had I been present at the time the homestead bill was before the Senate, I should have recorded my vote in favor of it. the COURTS IN KENTUCKY. now. It seems to me he ought to be here when Mr. POWELL. I do not know why the Sen- I Mr. SUMNER. I have no objections to its being taken up. The motion was agreed; to and the Senate, as If neither of the judges of the courts be present Such number of jurors are to be summoned by or the court intervening may be adjourned over till the business of the court in session is concluded. A clerk is to be appointed at every place of holding circuit and district courts for the district of Kentucky, in like manner and subject to the same duties and responsibilities that other clerks are subject to in other independent districts; the deputy clerks at Covington, Louisville, and Paducah are to perform the duties of the offices, respectively, till clerks are duly appointed and qualified. Commissioners appointed by the courts of the United States to take bail, affidavits, &c., are to have like powers to take surety of the peace and for good behavior, according to the act of July 16, 1798, that other officers designated by that act now have. All process which shall not have been returned when this act takes effect is to be returnable to the terms, respectively, as fixed by it; and the clerk, upon issuing original process in a civil action, is to make it returnable to the court nearest to the county of the residence of the defendant, or of that defendant whose county is nearest a court, if he have information sufficient, and immediately, upon the payment by the plaintiff of his fees acthe court to which the process is made returnable; crued, he is to send the papers filed to the clerk of and whenever the process is not thus made returnable, the defendant or defendants may, upon motion, on or before the calling of the cause, have it transferred to the court to which it should have been sent had the clerk known the residence of the defendant or defendants when the action was brought. In case of the existence of bail-bonds for the appearance of persons to answer, it is to be the they are bound to appear, and, if they fail, to enduty of the clerk to call the parties at the time ter the same on his minutes, on which entry a judgment may afterwards be made of record by the court; and if the party appears, the clerk is to take another bond, with sureties, similar to the first, for further appearance at the next succeeding term of the court, and if the party fail to mitted by order of the clerk till he does comply. give bond and surety, then he is to stand comAll laws and parts of laws inconsistent with this bill are repealed, and this act is to be in force from and after its passage. Mr. HALE. I suppose it is useless to hope to interpose any valid objection that will prevail bill that ought not to pass. I think it is desirable, and I think it ought to be considered by the Senate against the passage of this bill, but I think it is a indispensable, that there shall be a uniform system of practice so far as it is possible in the United States courts. This bill makes special provisions in regard to holding courts and adjourning courts, and various other provisions applicable to the State of Kentucky. It seems to me that there tion should be made as to the mode and manner should be some very good reason why an excepof administering justice in Kentucky different from that which prevails in every other State. That would be an objection, in my mind, that would compel me to vote against the bill. There is another principle in the bill which has already received the sanction of the Senate by a very great majority, which, to my mind, is so palof the Constitution, that that also would demand pably in contradiction of the plainest provisions my vote against the bill; and that is, conferring the court. The Constitution declaring in explicit judicial powers upon commissioners appointed by terms that the judicial power of the United States uniforms; been in service; and some of them shall be vested in a Supreme Court, and such in- Mr. HALE. If we go on and give a code to Kentucky because there is something peculiar in Kentucky, other States having something peculiar in them will want codes, and we shall have as many codes in the United States courts as we now have in the State courts. I suppose the great design and object of the Federal courts was to have a uniform law and practice so far as practicable. Mr. DAVIS. As to there being a uniformity of practice, there is no such thing in the Federal courts. The practice in all the courts conforms to the practice in the State courts, as a general rule. This is a matter that concerns the State of Kentucky alone. It is a matter of no general interest, and I trust the Senate will pass the bill as it came from the House of Representatives. Mr. POWELL. This bill was drawn up and has been very slightly modified by Judge Catron and by Judge Ballard. As to the point suggested by the Senator from New Hampshire, I will simply say, that it now conforms to the practice in that State; and I do not think the bill is obnoxious to the constitutional objections that he raises. I trust it may be passed by the Senate. There is a long letter from Judge Catron highly approving of it; but I shall not take up the time of the Senate in having it read. The whole delegation of the State wish it, and Judge Catron strongly urges it. The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to a third reading, read the third time, and passed. APPOINTMENTS IN MARINE CORPS. Mr. HALE. There was a short bill reported the other day from the Committee on Naval Affairs in relation to appointments in the marine corps, which I wish might be taken up and passed now. The motion was agreed to; and the bill (S. No. 306) regulating the appointment of second lieutenants in the marine corps was read a second time, and considered as in Committee of the Whole. The bill enacts that hereafter second lieutenants in the United States marine corps shall be taken, by selection of the President, from the graduates of the United States Naval Academy. Mr. HARRIS. I do not know that I have any particular objection to the principle of this bill; but I heard a suggestion made to the chairman of the committee at the Navy Department which struck me with considerable force, and that was that there were several young gentlemen now nominated for the marine corps who had already entered the service, but had not been confirmed, and they might be cut off by the operation of this bill, which would be very unjust. There should be some provision to save those. As I understand, their nominations are now before the Senate; they have already been appointed; have obtained their Mr. HARRIS. I suggest to the chairman whether this proviso might not be added to the bill: Provided, That this act shall not operate to prevent the appointment of such persons as have been nominated for lieutenants of marines. It seems to me that would be proper. Mr. HALE. I think that would be manifestly unjust; and, as I am put upon the stand here, I will be candid about it, and I will state what led to this inquiry and to this unanimous report of the committee. It is that appointments in the marine corps have not been distributed heretofore as they ought to have been. Some States have got none at all; some have vastly more than their proportion, and they have been appointed without any rule. Friends, the mothers and sisters, &c., of the candidates have come here and besought and besieged the appointing power, and they have been appointed without regard to anything except the mere personal pressure that has been brought to bear on the appointing power, and some States have got vastly more than their fair proportion, and others have not anything like their fair proportion. It was that fact which induced this inquiry. It has been a subject of inquiry for a long time. I do not think there could be any such case as the Senator from New York alludes to, because I do not think that the Administration would violate the law; but I should have no objection to an amendment declaring that this act shall not apply to any nominations now pet their full proportion of officers in the corps. pending before the Senate from States that have I think, however, there will be no injustice done by passing the bill as the committee unanimously reported it. in the corps, that they should be allowed to the States that have not their proportion. Mr. GRIMES. I wish merely to say, sir, that however much the committee may have been influenced by the consideration suggested by the Senator from New Hampshire, the chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, that was not the sole consideration, nor the greatest one, certainly with myself. I believe that the only proper way to have these appointments made is by selection from the graduates of the Naval Academy, and I have always thought so. More than two years ago, shortly after becoming somewhat familiar with the operations of the Navy Department and the system upon which it was conducted, and on which appointments were made, and the duties devolved on the various grades of officers, I offered an amendment to the Senate, but it was rejected, for the reason that it was proposed to be added to an appropriation bill, exactly in character with this bill. The reasons are manifest why we should adopt this system; first, the one that has been assigned by the Senator from New Hampshire and the Senator from Kentucky, that then every State and every Territory and every district will have its fair representation; and second, and a yet greater reason, that we then shall have men who are fully competent to the proper discharge of their duties. At the Naval Academy the young men who are sent there receive just as thorough a military education as they do at the Military Academy, saving and excepting that they are not taught in the branches of engineering. So far as company, regimental, battalion, and division drills are concerned, everything that pertains to the school of the soldier, regiment, and battalion, they are just as thoroughly instructed in as they are anywhere else. Therefore, when we take them from the Naval Academy, we take a young man who is familiar with the drill, we are not compelled to keep him at the barracks here in this city for six or nine or twelve months in order to teach him the first rudiments of the school of the soldier. Then there is another thing at present under the system of appointments that has hitherto prevailed; there is always a spirit of antagonism between the officers of the line and the officers of the marine corps. The moment you select officers from the Naval Academy that have been educated with the naval officers and who know something about the duties, the capacities, and the rights of officers of the line, the esprit du corps will be observed throughout the service, there will be a unity; a common sentiment of interest will pervade the whole service, and a great many of the troubles that now arise between the staff officers and the officers of the line will be wholly obviated. I trust that for these reasons this bill will be adopted. It meets the approbation of the com||mittee. I do not know much about the particular question which has been alluded to by the Senator from New York; it is a subject which I have not examined particularly; but I think that the bill is interests of the service, and that it meets the approval of those who are most conversant with the subject. Mr. DAVIS. I was impressed with the force of the remarks of the Senator from New Hampshire. There was a great deal of truth and justice in them. I have made application myself at various times for appointments in the marine corps without any success; and I believe that the ap-right in itself, that it will be promotive of the best pointments generally in this branch of the public service are made upon principles of favoritism and nepotism. There is nothing like a just and equitable distribution of such patronage among the States, and that ought to be the principle upon which the whole of it should be distributed, in my judgment. I have no doubt, as the chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs suggests, that there are States that have four or five times their just proportion of appointments in this corps, and there are other States that have nothing like their pro rata proportion. I should like to have the whole system of appointments reformed, not only in the marine corps, but in every branch and department of the public service. I am utterly opposed to this monoply of the patronage in any of the services of the Government by particular appointing powers, or by particular personal interest. I think that they ought to be distributed equally and fairly among the people of all the States. It has been said by the Senator from New Hampshire that this bill approximates to that in regard to the marine corps, and for that reason I am disposed to favor it, and I trust that his suggestion will obtain. Indeed, I would prefer that a more equitable and equal rule than his should obtain, and that a committee should be appointed to ascertain what States have had their just proportion of appointments in that corps, and so far as there are any vacancies Mr. HARRIS. The proposition which this bill presents strikes my own mind with considerable favor. I do not know that I have any obtion; I can see no objection to the selection of the officers of marines from the graduates of the Naval Academy. I rather like it. There is this difficulty, however, that presents itself to my mind, that we have no graduates of the Naval Academy that are now in a condition to be appointed to this service. It is well known that the naval service has been such as to demand that even the under graduates should be taken from the school and put into the naval service. We are not to have any graduates very soon from that school to fill the present vacancies. But that is a difficulty which time will obviate. I do not know who the young gentlemen are that have been nominated. I am not aware that there is one from my State, certainly none in whom I have felt any personal interest; and but for the suggestions I heard made to the chairman of the Naval Committee this morning in the Navy Department, I should not have said a word about it. I prefer, before this bill passes, if the committee are anxious to have it passed without any such qualification, to see how that thing stands. I want to see how many of these 1862. THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. and who they are, and Mr. HALE. If the Senator will allow me, I to two, and has none; Arkansas is entitled to one, By adopting the provisions of this bill, these appointments will be equalized over the States, because the midshipmen, or cadets, or whatever they may be called at the Naval Academy, are appointed by nomination of members from every district, each member being entitled to two, and is would equalize the whole list. The list as it now stands is unequal, and the nominations which are before the Senate I think make it more so. I should be perfectly willing, if it was thought advisable, though I do not think it would be, to add to this bill a proviso that it shall not be so construed as to deprive any State of its fair proportion. I think, as the Senator from Kentucky has said, that somethinglike a fair distribution of these offices should be had. He said he would like to have the appointment in every branch of the service regulated by law. In the Army it is regulated by law, in the Navy it is regulated by law, and the marine corps is the exception. This bill simply proposes to apply the same rule to the marine corps that is applied to the Army and Navy. now Mr. HARRIS. I am unable to understand what the Senator from New Hampshire desires in reference to this matter. He says he does not wish to be personal, but really it is New York that he is trying to correct. Mr.HALE. I said New York was one of the States. Mr.HARRIS. He finds that New York is entitled to twelve and has thirteen, one more than she is entitled to. Mr. HALE. And three or four nominated. Mr. HARRIS. I have been trying to find out rest. I am not very tenacious about these things. Mr. HALE. The Senate will bear me witness that I did not allude to New York, and did not mean to do so until the gentlmean himself did. Mr. HARRIS. I do not know what the Senator meant when he said he did not mean to be personal. Mr. HALE. That was after the Senator from New York alluded to the State of New York, and said he did not know that any of these nominations were from that State. As my colleague on the committee from Iowa says, this matter has been before the committee for years, and I know, the Senator from Iowa knows, and I think a majority of the Senate knows, that we have approved nominations here that we did not think were really fit to go upon that corps of officers. The appointments have been made, not in reference to with which their claims have been urged by their anything on earth except the mere tediousness friends. In one instance, there were some who were urged on us very long, who were reported to us as being so inferior physically that it was not right to put them there, and we had an examination of them down in the committee room. thought the standard should be, but they had been They were feeble and rather below what we case to the Senate and the Senate confirmed them. pushed by their friends so far that we stated the I should not have alluded to a single State here if the Senator had not said that he did not know there was one of these from New York. Then, and it was not till then, I told him what I was Mr. GRIMES. The Senator from New York Mr. DAVIS. I wish to offer an amendment to the amendment of the Senator from New York. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. No amendment has yet been offered to the bill. Mr. HARRIS. I will put, what I proposed in the form of an amendment, in these words: Provided, however, That this act shall not apply to or affect any nominations for appointment to the marine corps which have already been inade. Mr. DAVIS. I move to amend the amendment by striking out all after the word "that," and inserting: The appointments under this act shall be first made from the States that have not their proportion according to the Federal population. Mr. HALE. I would suggest to the Senator from Kentucky that that amendment will not reach his object; because the appointments to be made" under this act" are only those that are to be made from the graduates of the Naval Academy; and his amendment should be, "the appointments to the marine corps," or something of that sort, because they are not to be made under the act except from the graduates of the academy. Mr. DAVIS. I will change the phraseology. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The hour of one o'clock having arrived, this bill is superseded by the unfinished business of the last sitting of the Senate, which is the bill (S. No. 292) relative to the collection of direct taxes in insurrectionary districts. Mr. HALE. I move that that be postponed for the purpose of finishing this bill. Mr. DOOLITTLE. Let the unfinished business lie over informally for a few minutes, without losing its place. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. By common consent the special order may be passed over informally. Mr. HARRIS. I would prefer that this bill should lie over until I can inquire into these nominations. Mr. HALE. Very well. TAXES IN INSURRECTIONARY DISTRICTS. The consideration of the bill (S. No. 292) for the collection of direct taxes in insurrectionary districts within the United States, and for other purposes, was resumed as in Committee of the Whole. The bill was reported to the Senate without third reading, and was read the third time. amendment, and ordered to be engrossed for a Mr. TRUMBULL. I think that bill had better be read to the Senate. There are some pro visions in it that I do not think the Senate is aware of. I ask for the reading of the bill, and I do that in part for the purpose of getting a copy of it and calling attention to it before the final vote is taken. Mr. COLLAMER. I have examined this bill, and it strikes my mind that as it now stands it is impracticable; it cannot be carried into effect. The leading feature of the bill is to have the President appoint certain commissioners to assess and collect the direct tax in the insurrectionary States that do not pay it. It goes on to provide in effect -I cannot go into the particulars now-that when any district in those States is taken possession of by the Army, those commissioners may then be put at work. They make an assessment. To my mind, the assessment of a direct tax on any part of a State is impracticable till you assess the State. You cannot tell how much one county's part of a tax is unless you assess the State for the whole of it. The thing is impracticable; it is an arithmetical, or, I may say, mathematical impossibility. The idea of carrying it into effect just in the way provided in the bill, seems to me to be futile. But it is suggested in the bill that there may, perhaps, be found some State assessment on which the commissioners can proceed. I have no good reason to believe that any such would be found. I know there would not be any such found in New England. Men are assessed, to be sure, and their property is assessed, but there are no descriptions of parcels of land which would answer for this purpose. I have no objection to the purpose which the honorable Senator from Wisconsin has in view, if so be that the bill can be put into a practical shape; but satisfied as I am in my own mind that it is not practicable now as it stands, 1 cannot think it advisable to vote for it. Perhaps the Senate ought to commit it to some committee to put it in a practicable shape. I merely make this suggestion, because, not unfriendly to the purpose had in view, I cannot see the practicability of carrying that purpose in effect in any such manner as this. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Illinois called for the reading of the bill at length. Mr. TRUMBULL. I will not insist upon that at this time. I wished merely to arrest the passage of the bill for a moment, until I could get a copy of it in my hand. My object is accomplished, and unless some other gentleman desires to have it read, I do not insist upon its reading. The elev-|| enth section of this bill is a very important one. Like the Senator from Vermont, I am not opposed to the object in view by the eleventh section, and I am not opposed to the object of the bill. I am for taking the lands in the rebellious States to pay the tax which we have assessed. I am for collecting that tax in any practicable way in which it can be done. I think it is right. The eleventh section of the bill, however, establishes a government in those States. It has received no consideration in the Senate. I am in favor of some plan for governing the rebellious States; but we have not considered that question; there has been no discussion of it in the Senate, and I do not know that any committee has considered it. The eleventh section provides that the board of commissioners who are to go into the southern States to collect this tax-I say southern States because they are the rebellious States-"by and with the approval of the commanding general in said district, may from time to time make such temporary rules for the order and government of all persons residing within the said district as shall be just and humane." You authorize these commissioners to establish a government there by the consent of the President, because they are to make such "rules for the order and government of all persons residing within the said district as shall be just and humane." It is in their discretion, left to them entirely without any sort of restraint, and these commissioners are a board appointed for the purpose of collecting a tax in the rebellious States. The Senator from New York [Mr. HARRIS] has introduced a bill on that subject, and I should like to call his attention to this provision, for this bill, if passed, will supersede the bill he has introduced to provide temporary governments in the rebellious districts. Perhaps it is just as good a provision as his; I do not mean to commit myself either to the bill introduced by the Senator from New York, or to this provision, at this moment; lic lands have been surveyed under the authority of the United States, and I supposed that it existed in all the States. This bill assumes that there is an assessed valuation of the various States under the authority of the States; and the first section of the bill provides that where by means of the insurrection the civil authority is overborne so that the assessors cannot go all over the State and equalize the valuation in proper proportion, we may take valuation made under the authority of the State before it broke out into insurrection, but there is a bill pending, to the purpose of which I am favorable, providing some plan for organizing government in the rebellious States where the authorities friendly to the United States have been overborne, and where it is necessary to begin again in order to reestablish a government. Precisely how that is to be done I shall not undertake to indicate, but I hope that the Government of the United States, as we take possession, for instance, of|| South Carolina, or of Georgia, if you please, or of Louisiana, will, in some way, furnish aid to the loyal people in those States, if there are any-supposing that it would be just to take the equaland we believe there are many in all those Statesto enable them to get together and organize State governments friendly to the United States and subordinate to the Constitution of the United States. They will need some assistance to bring this about, because the organization in those States, as it now exists, is hostile to the United States Government, and will do nothing to bring the States in subordination to the Government of the United States. What we want is a nucleus around which the loyal people can rally, and perhaps the provision. made here may be sufficient for that purpose. I wished merely to call attention to the eleventh section, that the Senate might see what we were acting upon, and that it should not pass without consideration. To the general purpose of this bill I am favorable. It provides a more efficient way of collecting the tax which we assessed by an act passed in August last than is provided in that act. Under the law, as it now stands, provision is made for selling the real estate in case the tax is not paid. This bill provides for selling it more summarily. It is a more efficient bill in that respect, and, if it is practicable, I should be inclined to favor it; but as the law now exists the land may be sold for taxes. Mr. LANE, of Kansas. I should like to ask the Senator from Illinois a question. Do I understand him to contemplate the readmission of these States into the Union without their passing the ordeal of Congress-letting them come back with their present Constitutions and getting members into Congress without passing the ordeal of a readmission? Mr. TRUMBULL. In reply to the Senator from Kansas, I will say that we shall have to pass upon the admission of the members when they come here, and we shall be governed no doubt by the circumstances. If I were satisfied that the loyal citizens of a State had taken possession of a State government, and that it was thoroughly loyal and true to the Constitution of the United States, and that they sent men here who were of that character, that they had reorganized the State government, that they had blotted out all the action done under the pretense of secession, I think that would present a case where Congress might properly admit their representatives as members of Congress. That, however, will have to be determined hereafter. But here is a bill providing commissioners to establish a civil government in those States, for the time being, without any limitation. I am not exactly prepared to say that I shall vote against this provision; perhaps it may be the wisest; but is the Senate prepared, without having considered the question, to pass this bill? Mr. DOOLITTLE. Mr. President, the objection which is raised by the honorable Senator from Vermont is certainly a serious one, and so far as I am concerned it takes me somewhat by surprise, for I was brought up in the State of New York, and after leaving that State have been familiar altogether with the systems of the western States. I was surprised when the honorable Senator stated that in any of the States of the Union in the assessment of taxes the particular lots of ground which were assessed were not embraced within the valuation and assessment made under the authority of the State. In the State of New York I know it is so. The assessment goes to the county board, and then it is equalized throughout the State. In the State of Wisconsin, in Iowa, and in all the western States, in their system of assessing real property the lands are described briefly according to the survey made under the authority of the United States. The taxes are assessed to such a quarter or such a half quarter section, &c., and if the taxes are not paid those very lands are advertised and sold according to that description. There must certainly be such an assessment and valuation in all the States which have arisen where pub ized or assessed valuation of the various lots as made under the authority of the State itself as being the next best evidence we could possibly have of the valuation of the lots upon which to affix the taxes. The bill assumes to apportion the taxes upon the various lots, and the proclamation of the President when he describes the various districts within which the civil authority is overborne fixes this valuation upon the lots. It is true that if no such valuation ever existed the foundation would fall from this section of the bill; but I presume it will be found on examination that certainly in all those States which have ever been Territories under the United States, and have been surveyed under the authority of the United States, the subdivisions of the ground, according to public surveys, are kept up to this day in all the assessments that are made by State authority and all that would be made by Federal authority. But, sir, there is a section in this bill which provides that if for any reason the assessment and valuation of the lots of land mentioned in the first section shall be destroyed, or concealed, or lost, so as not to come within the possession of the board of commissioners, they shall be authorized to take evidence of the same, or they shall be authorized to value and assess the same in their own judgment, upon such evidence as may appear before them; and there is a further provision that no mistake in the valuation or in the amount of the tax shall, in any manner whatever, affect the validity of the sale or any of the proceedings preliminary thereto, but that all such mistakes shall be matter of account against the Treasury of the United States. If the commissioners are unable to find the assessment which is made under State authority, and have to go on and assess the lots themselves, if they make a mistake and assess a lot too high, or charge too high a tax, this overcharge is to be a matter of account between the owner and the Treasury of the United States. I am confident, from the practice which I know prevails throughout all the western States, that there must be this assessment and valuation under the authority of the State, in all southern States certainly which were formerly Territories of the United States-Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, and I presume the same thing extends to Georgia, because within Georgia I believe we once had public lands, and I presume the same thing will be found to exist in South Carolina and North Carolina, and I have no doubt that in Virginia, when an assessment is made, the lands are mentioned which are assessed. I believe my honorable friend from Virginia [Mr. WILLEY] assents to that and states such to be the fact. Mr. WILLEY. There is no difficulty in getting at the assessment of every tract of land and lot in the State of Virginia, if you get to the capital of the State and find the records. Mr. DOOLITTLE. I understand the Senator from Virginia to state that such an assessment and valuation of every lot and tract of land is made by the State of Virginia. The record exists at Richmond. Mr. SHERMAN. I should like to ask the Senator from Wisconsin what provision is made in the bill for the collection of taxes in the State of Delaware or other States that refuse to assume their share of the direct tax provided for by the bill of last year? Mr. DOOLITTLE. I answer my honorable friend from Ohio that this bill has reference only to those districts where the insurrection exists to such an extent as to overbear the civil authority. I understand that the bill we passed last summer has operative force by which we can assess in Delaware the land and all the property in the State, and collect the tax imposed by the act of last summer. That act provided that the States might, at their own option, assume their portion 1862. THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. of the direct tax, and that if they assumed it they should be allowed a deduction of fifteen per cent., but if they did not assume it our machinery became operative, and we assessed the property and collected the tax. We provided in that bill for the sale of the property, if I am not mistaken. The machinery is perfect. Mr. SAULSBURY. Permit me to ask what is the difficulty suggested in reference to the collection of this tax in Delaware? I did not hear it. Mr. SHERMAN. My question I will repeat. What provision is made by this bill for the collection of the tax in those States which refuse to contribute their share, the State of Delaware for instance? I was not aware, till the Senator from Wisconsin mentioned it, that the bill of last summer had machinery sufficient to provide for the collection of that tax. If that is so, it answers my question. Mr. DOOLITTLE. That is undoubtedly so. Mr. SAULSBURY. If my friend will allow me, I desire to have that corrected. Mr. DOOLITTLE. I do not like to get any extraneous matter into the discussion of this subject, for it is a practical measure. Mr. SAULSBURY. I only wish to assign the reason for the action of the Legislature of Dela- || ware. Although the Legislature was called together in the State of Delaware, and considered that matter, the Legislature thought that tax bill would be followed very soon by another, and that, under all the circumstances, it was better to leave the General Government to collect its tax rather than that the State should assume the payment of it. The State had not the money in the treasury to pay it, and would have had to borrow the money, and it was deemed prudent by the Legislature to leave the General Government, as far as Delaware was concerned, to collect the tax itself. There is no disposition, however, I will take occasion to say, in the State of Delaware to resist the payment of any tax levied by the General Government. Mr. SHERMAN. I did not design to impute any improper conduct to the State of Delaware or to the Legislature of Delaware. My question was one merely for information. I knew that the State of Delaware had declined to avail herself of the privilege which would have enabled her to pay the tax with a saving of fifteen per cent., and I As a wished simply to ascertain whether there was any machinery provided by law for such a case. matter of course, any Štate may decline to assume its quota, and then this Government must resort to its own taxing power. Mr. DOOLITTLE. I understand that the bill which passed last summer is perfect in its machinery to collect the tax in all the States where they are not overborne by the insurrection, and This bill is to supply that defect, and therefore the first section says: That when in any State or Territory, or in any portion of any State or Territory, by reason of insurrection or rebelTion, the civil authority of the Government of the United States is obstructed so that the provisions of the act entiLed" An act to provide increased revenue from imports, to pay interest on the public debt, and for other purposes," approved August 5, 1861, forassessing, levying, and collecting the direct taxes therein mentioned, cannot be peaceably executed, the said direct taxes, by said act apportioned among the several States and Territories, respectively, shall be apportioned and charged in each State and Territory, or part thereof, wherein the civil authority is thus obstructed, pon all the lands and lots of ground situate therein, respectively, except such as are exempt from taxation by the laws O said State or of the United States, as the said lands or lots of ground were enumerated and valued under the last essment and valuation thereof made under the authority of said State or Territory previous to the 1st day of January, A. D. 1861; and each and every parcel of the said lands, according to said valuation, are hereby declared to be, by virtue of this act, charged with the payment of so much of the whole tax laid and apportioned by said act upon the State or Territory wherein the same are respectively situate, as shall bear the same direct proportion to the whole amount of the direct tax apportioned to said State or Territory as the value of said parcels of land shall respectively bear to the whole valuation of the real estate in said State or Territory according to the said assessment and valuation made under the authority of the same. Then the second section provides that by the blank day of blank next, the President shall issue his proclamation describing the boundaries of these insurrectionary districts, and upon that proclamation issuing, the tax becomes charged ipso facto, without any other proceeding whatever. I believe my honorable friend from Vermont will n himself mistaken as to the great majority of all this insurrectionary region. Mr. COLLAMER. If the gentleman will indulge me one moment, I looked at the section to which he alludes providing for these commissioners making assessments of a part of a State. It appeared to me that the thing was impracticable for the reason I have already stated. Whether they will be able to hunt up assessments in those States by which they can do it is more than I can tell. I do not know but that is possible; but so long as that section remains in the bill it involves the difficulty I have stated. Even in my own State, they might find them there, but the State has no record of that kind. They might be found by the collectors in towns or counties, but the States have nothing of that sort. How they manage their municipal affairs in the southern States I know not; but the great point I made was this: that that section of the bill which undertakes to enable these commissioners to assess a tax upon a part of a State, without assessing it upon the whole, and without having the means of knowing what the whole is, is impracticable. Mr. DOOLITTLE. Mr. President, I assume that in the most of these States there is an assessed valuation which is recorded among the records and archives of the State. The Senator from assessment and valuation is recorded at the capiVirginia says that in the State of Virginia that tal at Richmond, for all the assessments throughout the whole of the State are recorded there. Such is the fact in relation to all our western States, and I presume the majority of the southern States. It possibly may not be so in all of the southern States, but certainly is in some; and if it is impossible to reach all those States, it is bet ter to reach such as we can. Now, sir, a single word in relation to the elev- That said board of commissioners, by and with the ap- The whole bill assumes to deal with insurrec- That in cases where the owners of said lots and parcels This eleventh section gives to these commis- Mr. President, the bill has passed to such a point, that, if our friends are not at this moment prepared to vote upon it, I should be willing to The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair will Mr. DOOLITTLE. Then is the bill open to amendment in the Senate? It is open to The PRESIDENT pro tempore. amendment. Mr. SHERMAN. I wish to ask for an explanation of the first section of the bill which provides, as I understand it, that these lands in the insurrectionary States shall be charged with so much of the tax laid or apportioned as shall bear the same direct proportion to the whole amount of the direct tax as they bear to the whole valuation of the State. Mr. DOOLITTLE. I will say to my friend from Ohio that the amount that South Carolina ought to pay was fixed by the bill of last summer; the amount that Virginia ought to pay was fixed by Now we will say that the bill of last summer. Eastern Virginia is in insurrection; Western Virginia is not. This bill assumes to charge the several lots of ground in the insurrectionary portion of Virginia with their proportion of the whole tax thus apportioned to the State of Virginia in the same direct proportion that those lots will bear in their valuation to the whole real estate valuation of the State of Virginia. Mr. SHERMAN. I understand that; but in addition there should be added the amount expended in the collection of this tax in the district. Under the bill, the whole amount of the tax might be exhausted in paying the salaries of these officers, and yet not be sufficient. I suggest, therefore, that there be added at the end of the section, equivalent words to those which I now read: And in addition to the amount so charged on said lands there shall be charged an amount sufficient to pay all the expenses to be incurred in collecting such tax, including the salaries of all commissioners and officers appointed under this act. As a matter of course, I think each insurrectionary State, in addition to the amount prescribed by the law of last session, should pay all the expenses of this mode of taxation. It being an extraordinary mode and only enforced on account of war or insurrection, they ought to pay the cost in addition to the amount assessed in the law. I will offer that amendment simply for the purpose of calling the attention of the Senate to it. Mr. DOOLITTLE. I will state to my friend that he will find, if he looks into the third section of the bill, that there is no expense whatever incurred up to the time the President issues his proclamation. The proclamation of the President is issued; sixty days is then given in which the owners of the land may pay the amount of their tax into the Treasury. The bill then provides that if they do not pay it within sixty days into the Treasury, the lands are liable to be sold. They are sold, and after the sale they have sixty days in which to redeem them, upon paying the expense of the interest thereon. sale, adding the amount of tax with ten per cent. Mr. SHERMAN. My friend does not yet perceive my point. Who pays the expenses of the |