ham, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Campbell, Chamberlin, Colfax, Covode, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Duell, Dunn, Edgerton, Eliot, Fenton, Fisher, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Gurley, Hale, Hanchett, Harrison, Hooper, Hutchins, Julian, Francis W. Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, McPherson, Menzies, Mitchell, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Pike, Porter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Shanks, Shellabarger, Stevens, Trimble, Trowbridge, Vandever, Van Horn, Verree, Wall, Wallace, Charles W. Walton, Washburne, Albert S. White, Wilson, Windom, and Worcester-69. NAYS-Messrs. Ancona, Joseph Baily, Biddle, George H. Browne, Cobb, Frederick A. Conkling, Cox, Delano, Dunlap, English, Grider, Haight, Harding, Holman, Johnson, Kerrigan, Killinger, Knapp, Law, Mallory, May, Morris, Noble, Odell, Pendleton, Richardson, Robinson, Sheffield, Shiel, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Benjamin F. Thomas, Train, Vallandigham, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Ward, Wickliffe, and Wood-38. So the motion to lay the whole subject on the table was agreed to. During the vote, Mr. ROSCOE CONKLING said: My colleague, Mr. CORNING, has been called away by painful tidings from home, and I have agreed to pair with him on this question. Mr. MALLORY stated that his colleague, Mr. CRITTENDEN, was paired with Mr. MCKNIGHT. Mr. TROWBRIDGE stated that his colleague, Mr. GRANGER, was obliged to leave the House on account of indisposition. Mr. RIDDLE stated that Mr. OLIN was paired with Mr. VIBBARD. Mr. NIXON stated that he was paired with Mr. PERRY. Mr. MCPHERSON stated that his colleague, Mr. PATTON, was detained from the House by illness. Mr. ALLEN stated that he was paired with Mr. HICKMAN, and that he would have voted for the contestant, while Mr. HICKMAN Would have voted for the sitting Delegate. The vote was then announced as above recorded. Mr. WASHBURNE moved to reconsider the vote by which the whole subject was laid upon the table; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table. The latter motion was agreed to. And then, on motion of Mr. FENTON, (at half past five o'clock, p. m.,) the House adjourned. IN SENATE. THURSDAY, May 8, 1862. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. Dr. SUNDERLAND. The Journal of yesterday was read and approved. IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE HUMPHREYS. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair presents to the Senate the following resolution from the House of Representatives: "IN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, May 6, 1862. "On motion of Mr. BINGHAM, from the Committee on the Judiciary, "Resolved, That a committee of two be appointed to go to the Senate, and at the bar thereof, in the name of the House of Representatives and of all the people of the United States, to impeach West H. Humphreys, judge of the district court of the United States for the several districts of Tennessee, of high crimes and misdemeanors, and to acquaint the Senate that the House of Representatives will in due time exhibit particular articles of impeachment against him, and make good the same, and that the committee do demand that the Senate take order for the appearance of said West H. Humphreys to answer said impeachment. "The Speaker, in accordance with the foregoing resolution, appointed Mr. JOHN A. BINGHAM and Mr. GEORGE H. PENDLETON the said committee." Mr. FOSTER. I move that the subject be referred to a select committee of three to examine and report on the subject, to be appointed by the Chair. The motion was agreed to. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair appoints Mr. FOSTER, Mr. DOOLITTLE, and Mr. DAVIS as the committee; and the resolution of the House is referred to that committee. PORT OF ENTRY IN SOUTH CAROLINA. A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. ETHERIDGE, its Clerk, announced that the House had passed a bill (H. R. No. 460) to establish a port of entry in the collection district of Beaufort, in South Carolina; in which the concurrence of the Senate was requested. Mr. CHANDLER. I will ask the unanimous consent of the Senate to pass that bill now. The Committee on Commerce have had a copy of the bill before them, and examined it. It is a very important bill. Mr. GRIMES. I should like to hear the bill read, to know what it is. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It will be read for information. The Secretary read the bill, which establishes a port of entry and delivery in the collection district of Beaufort, in the State of South Carolina, at or near Hilton Head, to be called the port of Port Royal, to be subject to the same regulations and restrictions as other ports of entry and delivery in the United States, and authorizes the appointment of a collector of the customs to reside at the port, who is to receive a salary of $1,500 per annum. Power is also given to the Secretary of the Treasury to appoint, on the nomination of the collector, such inspectors, weighers, gaugers, and other officers as may be necessary for the collection of the revenue at the port, whose compensation is not to exceed the rates allowed to similar officers at other ports of entry and delivery in the United States. There being no objection, the bill was read three times, and passed. PETITIONS. Mr. GRIMES. I present a petition bearing the signature of General Franz Sigel and all of the officers of his staff who are of German birth, and many of the aldermen and other public officers of the city of St. Louis, expressing their approbation of the proposition to establish a German professorship in the Military Academy at West Point, and praying for the immediate passage of the bill; and that Dr. Reinhold Solger, of the city of New York, be appointed to that office. I move that it be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia. The motion was agreed to. Mr. GRIMES presented a petition of citizens of Buena Vista, Clinton county, Iowa; a petition of citizens of Auburn, Fayette county, Iowa; and a petition of citizens of Granville, Mahaska county, Iowa, praying for the construction of a ship canal between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi river; which were referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia. Mr. WADE presented two petitions from citizens of Butler county, Ohio, praying for the confiscation of the property of traitors, and that the proceeds may be applied to the payment of the expenses of the war; which were referred to the select committee on the confiscation bill. Mr. COLLAMER presented a petition from citizens of Massachusetts, praying that Congress may drop the negro question, and attend to the business of the country; which was ordered to lie on the table. He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. No. 403) to amend an act entitled "An act to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to issue certificates of indebtedness to public creditors, "approved March 1, 1862, reported it without amendment. Mr. POWELL, from the Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. No. 70) for the more effectual organization of the courts of the United States in the districts of Kentucky and Missouri, asked to be discharged from its further consideration; which was agreed to. He also, from the same committee, to whom were referred two memorials of citizens of St. Louis, remonstrating against the abolishment of the United States court for the eastern district of Missouri, and resolutions of the Legislature of Kentucky, concerning the Federal courts for the district of Kentucky, asked to be discharged from their further consideration; which was agreed to. Mr. POWELL. I am also directed by the Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. No. 258) to regulate the time of holding the courts of the United States for the district of Kentucky, and for other purposes, to report the same back, with a recommendation that it do pass. I would ask the unanimous consent of the Senate to take up the bill now. It is a mere local matter, and will take but a moment. Mr. COLLAMER. I will inquire of the gentleman if he will not allow us to get through with the morning business first. Mr. POWELL. I hope the Senate will indulge me in this. It is the first time that I have asked such a favor of the Senate. Mr. FOSTER. I will say that although that bill comes from the Judiciary Committee, it is by no means a unanimous report. I do not propose to oppose its consideration now; but there was opposition to it in the committee, and it is by no means the unanimous judgment of the commit tee. Mr. POWELL. Do I understand the Senator, from Connecticut to object? Mr. FOSTER. I do not object. I merely state the fact. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The bill will be read for information, if no objection be interposed. Mr. KING. I do not see the chairman of the Judiciary Committee present. My impression is, he had something to say on this subject before. I think it had better go over. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Objection being made, it goes over under the rule. CLAIM OF CARMICK AND RAMSEY. Mr. COLLAMER submitted the following res sent, and agreed to: Mr. WRIGHT. I present a petition of eight of ten prominent citizens of the State of Florida,olution; which was considered by unanimous conpraying for the adoption of a confiscation bill. The petitioners are gentlemen of wealth, who are well known to the people of Florida, but who are at present in this city.. I move that it be referred to the special committee on the subject. The motion was agreed to. Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I present two petitions from citizens of Massachusetts. They do not ask us " to drop the negro question and attend to business," but remonstrate against the action of the Board of Trade of Boston and the Chamber of Commerce of New York in favor of what is understood to be Mr. Bigelow's plan of taxation. One of these petitions is sighed by Callender & Learnard and others, merchants of Boston, and the other by A. A. Jacobs and others, merchants of Boston. As the committee have reported on the subject, I move that the petitions be laid upon the table. The motion was agreed to. REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES. Mr. CHANDLER, from the Committee on Commerce, to whom was referred a memorial of the Legislature of Wisconsin, in favor of the establishment of a port of entry at La Crosse, in that State, asked to be discharged from its further consideration; which was agreed to. Mr. FESSENDEN, from the Committee on Finance, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. No. 393) making further appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the year ending 30th of June, 1863, and additional appropriations for the year ending 30th of June, 1862, reported it with amendments. Resolved, That the Postmaster General inform the Senate of the nature, amount, and condition of the claim of Carmick & Ramsey on his Department. REGIMENTAL COLORS. Mr. SUMNER submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That in the efforts now making for the restoration of the Union, and the establishment of peace throughout the country, it is inexpedient that the names of the victories obtained over our own fellow-citizens should be placed on the regimental colors of the United States. Mr. HALE. Let it lie over. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It will lie over. BILL INTRODUCED. Mr. HALE asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 305) to abolish the office of marshal in the District of Columbia, and creating the office of sheriff of the District of Columbia; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. BATTLE OF PITTSBURG LANDING. Mr. SHERMAN. I submitted a resolution the other day calling for certain information in regard to the battle of Pittsburg Landing. I should like to have that resolution taken up now and assigned for half past twelve o'clock to-morrow, at which time I desire to make a few remarks in regard to it. Mr. FESSENDEN. I do not object to the assignment; but I wish to notify my friend from Ohio, that if certain gentlemen who are now absent return, I shall wish at one o'clock to-morrow, if I can, to call up the Indian appropriation bill. Mr. SHERMAN. I have no objection to that. I simply desire to submit a few remarks on the resolution at a time when they will not be inconvenient to the Senate, and I think I can do it to-morrow, at half past twelve, as well as at any other time. The motion was agreed to; and the Senate proceeded to consider the following resolution, submitted by Mr. SHERMAN on the 6th instant: Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to communicate to the Senate copies of all official reports from all officers in command, relating to the recent battles at Pittsburg Landing, on the 6th, 7th, and 8th days of April last. Mr. SHERMAN. I now move that the resolution be postponed until to-morrow at half past twelve o'clock, and be made the special order for that hour. The motion was agreed to. DEFICIENCY IN PAY OF VOLUNTEERS. Mr. FESSENDEN. I should like now, if it would not interfere with other business, to take up, with a view of finishing, the little thirty million matter that we had before the Senate yesterday morning. I move to take it up. The motion was agreed to; and the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill (H. R. No. 404) to provide for the deficiency in the appropriation for the pay of the two and three years volunteers and the officers and men actually employed in the western depart ment. Mr. FESSENDEN. I had this bill laid on the table yesterday merely on the strength of the suggestions made by the Senator from Massachusetts. On considering the subject, however, it is perfectly apparent that this bill is no place upon which a thing of that sort could be provided for; and if they exist, I trust the Committee on Military Affairs will look into it and see that the trouble is remedied as speedily as possible. In regard to this bill, it is impossible for me to give anybody more explanation on the subject substantially than I have given. The appropriation was asked for by the Paymaster General and has been recommended by the Secretary of War. Those papers were published in the Globe at the time of the debate in the other House, and I suppose are familiar to Senators. I deem it proper to state to the Senate, however, that there may be no misunderstanding about it, that the appropriations for this year thus far for the pay of the two and three years volunteers amount to $105,000,000. We appropriated $55,000,000 at the extra session, and $50,000,000 at this session for that purpose. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair is obliged to remind the Senator from Maine that the hour has arived for the consideration of the special order assigned for half past twelve o'clock to-day. Mr. FESSENDEN. I move that it be postponed for a few moments. I suppose there will be no objection to that. Mr. SUMNER.. Let it be passed over informally. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. By common consent, it will be passed over informally for the present. Mr. FESSENDEN. I have made a slight calculation at my desk, which shows me that there evidently must be a deficiency. It has not been quite a full year, but any Senator who sits down and calculates the amount needed for five hundred thousand men, will find that their pay proper for a year-I have calculated it roughly; I may be mistaken-would amount to about seventy-eight millions, without calculating the pay of officers, and the pay of musicians, and the extra pay for surgeons and other persons connected with the Army, which would unquestionably bring it up to something like one hundred millions, and perhaps more. Then that would cover of itself for five hundred thousand men about the amount that we have appropriated thus far. We all know, without knowing the exact number, that there are probably two hundred thousand men more, taking the whole of them, who have been and are to be in service. I say “to be,” because recruiting is going on to fill up the regiments, I am told, at the present time, and it has been going on all the time. It is evident, therefore, this money is needed if there are one hundred thousand, or one hundred and fifty thousand, or two hundred thousand more than half a million of men; and I think from the general information on the subject, the number under pay cannot be safely calculated, though not for the whole time, at less than seven hundred thousand men; certainly it must be very near that number. It is easy to see, therefore, that there must be a very large deficiency in the coming two months; and the Paymaster General says, if I remember rightly, in his communication, that the amount already appropriated would be absorbed at the end of the month; and he wrote that last month, so that he must now be without funds. On these facts, I take it there can be no hesitation on the part of anybody in passing the bill. Mr. HALE. While the chairman of the Committee on Finance is up I want to ask him a question, which I do in the best faith in the world. I read in a very important paper this morning, a communication signed by several members of Congress, in which they stated that the increase of the public debt now was about four millions of dollars a day. I want to ask the chairman of the Committee on Finance if there is any foundation, for that statement, if he knows anything about it, or can give us an approximation to the truth on that point. Mr. FESSENDEN. I am unable to answer the question; and as to undertaking to answer all the statements that may be made in the newspapers by members of Congress or others, is beyond any man's power. Mr. HALE. I thought the chairman of the Committee on Finance might possibly be able to give an approximation. It struck me as an exceedingly extravagant statement. Mr. FESSENDEN. I have no idea myself that it can be correct; but I will not undertake to dispute propositions which men make in that way. I have no idea that it is anything near that, though there may be some particular days in the year on which that amount of money is paid out. The statement, in my judgment, is extravagant. Mr. SHERMAN. A good deal of criticism was indulged in yesterday in regard to the uncertainty as to the number of men in the service of the United States, especially by the Senator from Illinois [Mr. TRUMBULL] and the Senator from Iowa, [Mr. GRIMES.] I think a moment's reflection will convince them that their criticism was unjust. They turned to the chairman of the Committee on Finance very triumphantly and asked him, and he was unable to give them the information, and then to the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, and he was unable to give the information. It is obvious, from the nature of the facts, that no one can give the information. Our troops were recruited by some twenty different governments. Each regiment was recruited under the authority of its own State government. When each soldier enlisted, he was entitled to pay, but probably his enlistment was not reported to the Adjutant General of the United States for two or three months afterwards. I know by experience something of the practical result of this system of enlistment. A regiment is authorized to be raised by the Governor of Ohio, for instance. For two months it will be in process of recruiting. From the time each soldier signs the roll he is entitled to pay from the Government of the United States; and when the regiment is completed to its minimum or its maxium number, as the case may be, two or three months afterwards, it is regularly mustered into the service of the United States. All the names are put on the muster-roll, and sent first to the adjutant general of the State, and then to the Adjutant General at Washington; and then a mustering in officer is detailed to muster in the regiment, as it is called. Now, this may be two or three, and, in some cases, four months after the soldiers are drawing their pay. In the mean time, the Adjutant General at Washington has no knowledge of the number of persons in this unorganized or imperfect regiment. Still, they are under pay, and are entitled to pay from the United States. It is manifest, from this explanation, that it is impossible for any officer to tell how many men are in the employ of the United States at one time. Besides that, when a regiment is full, a soldier may be discharged upon the certificate of a medical officer, and that is not known and is not made known to the Adjutant General until some time afterwards, when, in the ordinary course || of the returns, the fact comes before him that so many men are in the actual service of the United States in that particular regiment. Thus it is impossible, from the nature of things, to tell within many thousands and tens of thousands the number at any time in the service of the United States. Besides, as my friend from Vermont [Mr. COLLAMER] suggests, new recruits are being received all the time. I know that I once endeavored to ascertain the number of persons from Ohio in the service of the United States. It was utterly impossible to ascertain it from the Adjutant General of the United States; but I could readily do it from the adjutant general of the State of Ohio, because he kept an account of the various enlistments as they occurred from time to time. I make this statement in justice to the officers who have been constantly arraigned here because they could not give information to the Senate which no man possibly could give. Mr. GRIMES. I am not going to oppose the bill, but to reply to a few words that have been said by the Senator from Ohio. I admit that when the Senator was raising his regiments last summer, and during the time we were enlisting in the various States of the Union to raise the great army, there was some difficulty in ascertaining, at any given time, the number of men that were in the service of the United States; but there is not the slightest reason why we should not know at the end of every month every man that is under our pay, and if your Army regulations were enforced, it would be so. I do arraign the officers of the Army; I do say that they ought to be able to tell us, at the end of every month, they ought to require the returns to be made, so that we can know specifically every man that is fit for duty, and every man who is unfit for duty, where he is, whether he is on furlough, or whether he is with his command; and if they perform their duties, it will be so. Every man who is sent to a hospital is immediately reported. It is the duty of the brigade officer, from the reports that accumulate from the regiments in his hands, to report monthly to the Adjutant General, and he ought to be able to tell us precisely the number of men and what their condition is at any moment. We never shall be able to obtain this information until we expose those generals who are derelict in their duty. I do not attribute it to the Adjutant General. I know that we are partly to blame; I know that we have made brigadier generals who were incompetent to perform their duty, or who do not do it. The generals who do not thus report ought to be held up to the reprobation of the public, because they compel us to legislate in the dark. I did not intend to say anything, and should not have done so, but for the suggestion that has been made by the Senator from Ohio. I admit that last summer his reasoning would have been good, but it ceased whenever you ceased to raise volunteers. Whenever you filled up your regiments, it was the duty of these men to report monthly, and if they have not reported monthly in accordance with the Army regulations, and we therefore are legislating in the dark as to the number of men we have under our control, and in our pay, they are to blame for it. Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I think, Mr. President, the Senator from Iowa is mistaken in one thing. I think that much more could have been done than has been done in the War Department, in the Adjutant General's office, and by the officers in the field, to inform us how many men we had in the service. It seems to me we have had negligence to some extent in this matter. I do not mean to reproach anybody, for we all know how every Department of the Government has been pressed and overworked since this rebellion took place, and the difficulty they have had to make up the facts they have in their offices and put them in form so that an intelligent opinion could be arrived at. But, sir, do the best they can, with this vast army in the field, raised as it has been raised, raised by the several States, raised by commissions or authority issued to men all over the country to get up regiments, looking at the process of recruiting to fill up those regiments, and the scattered condition of the regiments not in the service, and of the squads raised to fill up the regiments over the country, I hold that we cannot tell within several thousand any one day how many men we have. We must vary somewhat from the real number, at best. But, sir, it seems to me that more could have been done than has been done to ascertain this. In spite of all that may be said on the subject, after looking through all the reports that I have examined, and I have endeavored to find out the number of regiments and the number of men in the field and at home in every State, I think the general estimate is that we have more men in the field than we really have, and that the number I stated yesterday of about five hundred and twentyfive thousand is very near the number. The statement made by the Senator from Maine in regard to the amount necessary to pay these men, and to pay the officers, even on the basis of five hundred and twenty-five thousand men, shows that it is necessary to pass this appropriation. Assuming that to be about the number we have in service, and considering the amount that we have had to pay to the thousands of men who have been in service and have been discharged, or have fallen on duty in the service, for there are many thousands of them, it seems to me that this deficiency is easily accounted for. Therefore, I mean to make no opposition to this appropriation. Mr. CLARK. I want to ask the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs if he can tell how many men have been put in the field by the various States. Has it ever been known in the War Department how many men have been furnished by the several States? Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I have a statement, which I have not now got with me, giving the number of regiments raised in each State, the arm of service to which they belong, the number actually in the field, and the number of regiments in the different States not yet filled up. I think that about forty days ago we had something like fifty regiments or parts of regiments, not fully completed in the different States, that were not actively in the field, and were still engaged in organizing. Mr. CLARK. Will the Senator allow me to ask him, further, how many men have been sent into the field or the service of the United States by the different States? What is the whole amount of force that has been out from the different States? Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I cannot answer precisely and exactly. I think, taking it all together, we must have had in the service at least five hundred and sixty or five hundred and seventy thousand men. Mr. FESSENDEN. I will state that I saw at the War Department calculations based upon the most accurate returns they could get, which, however, were not perfect, and cannot include the whole number, showing about five hundred and eighty-six thousand men. Mr. CLARK. It seems to me there should have been no difficulty about this-the thing should have been definitely ascertained. I venture to say that the Governor of the State of Massachusetts can tell how many men he has sent into the field. It would have been an easy matter for the War Department to ascertain from every State what number it had sent to the field, and the figures could have been footed up, and we should have known exactly how many men were sent into the field, or so near it as to be accurate enough for all practical purposes. Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I am assured at the War Department that they have over and over again called for information from the Governors of States in regard to this matter, and from most of the Governors they have got full information, but from some of them the information was not quite full and complete, because their regiments were incomplete in themselves. One great trouble has been that instead of calling on the Governors of States, by a proclamation or general order, for a certain number of troops, so many infantry, so many cavalry, and so many artillery, the War Office listened to the applications that were made for months for authority to raise regiments, and that authority was granted to a large number of persons over the country, without requiring them to act under or in concert with the Governors of the different States. The Governors of States were raising men, arming men, and sending them into the field; and at the same time, by independent action, gentlemen all over the country were raising regiments. That has been a source of embarrassment, it has complicated our affairs. I have no doubt that it has increased to some extent the expense of the Government, and Under these circumstances there must be some to cast blame on the War Department, or on the authorities of any State because we do not know this. I am seeking in good faith the information. I want to know how many men we have in the service of this Government, that I may act intelligently, and I do not believe that any information would be given to the enemy that would harm us, if we knew and they knew how many men we really had in service. They do not know where they are, nor where they are to meet them, nor in what numbers they are to meet them. True, they might know from it the power of this Government, and the knowledge of that I do not think would do them much good or give them much encouragement. I desire, at any rate, to know how many men we have got, and I hope that at some time the Military Committee will give us more information than we have now. I know that there has been sometimes the difficulty that has been suggested by the Senator from Massachusetts in the raising of troops, but there has not been the difficulty in some sections of the country that is represented. For instance, the War Department issued authority to raise a regiment in my State, but the Governor knew just how many men were in that regiment, and could give an account of that regiment as well as of one raised under his authority. The War Department gave authority to Governor Sprague to raise cavalry in New England, and there were three companies from my State. The Governor of New Hampshire knew just how many men were in those companies as well as if they were in one of his own regiments, and could give an account of them. So in other States. Some of these men have not been put into the field until recently, but we ought to know how many have been put into the field, and we do not know that. I have all charity for the circumstances under which this business has been conducted. Those who know more about it may have more charity than I have, and may make more allowances than I do; perhaps I ought to make more. I am willing to make all the deductions that ought to be made by anyMr. TEN EYCK. It does not appear to me, body, and yet I assert that we ought to have the sir, although I may not have a correct view of it, information as soon as possible, because it is nethat it is at all essential that we should know to a cessary in a great variety of subjects that come man or to a regiment how many men we have in up here, that we should know, and I desire that the field, in order to pass this bill. It gives me we should be informed as soon as may be. I shall always great pleasure to be informed by the de-give my vote for this bill on the judgment of the bates in this body; but it does not appear to me that information is at all essential to us. I hope the bill will be put upon its passage. We need not spend all the money. When an appropriation is made, I understand that no more than is necessary will be applied for the purpose under the bill. It may, in certain aspects of the case, be not desirable that it should be exactly known how many men we have in the field; at least, it may not be desirable, so far as our enemies are concerned. Without taking up any further time, as there is another matter of importance to come before the Senate, which I trust will be brought up this morning, I venture to express the hope that we may be allowed to take the vote on this bill. Mr. CLARK. I shall give my vote for this bill upon the recommendation of the chairman of the Committee on Finance, but I do not sympathize with the views or the feelings in this regard of the Senator from New Jersey. I know, sir, it is not essential that we should have the information sought to be obtained here, in order to pass this bill; we can give our votes blindly; but it is more gratifying to some of us certainly to know what we are doing and why we are doing it. I would rather have the information that I am seeking to obtain as to how many men we have in the service of the Government, or in the employ of the Government, than to legislate without it, especially if I am to vote money to pay these men. Mr. TEN EYCK. Will the Senator allow me just one word? Mr. CLARK. Certainly. Mr. TEN EYCK. I think we have approximated to it. We know pretty nearly the amount, as definitely as is necessary for us to know, or as we ever shall know, if we talk about it here till doomsday. Mr. CLARK. That is a question for each gentleman to decide for himself whether he has as much information as he wants or not. I do not undertake to say that the Senator from New Jersey has not all the information he wants. I should be glad to get a little more. Nor do I undertake committee. Mr. DAVIS. I intend to give my vote with great cheerfulness for this measure, and I will for any measure of supply that the chairman of the Committee on Finance may report and recommend to the House as necessary and proper, such is my confidence in his intelligence and judgment in the discharge of his duty. At the same time, Mr. President, I do bring censure, and strong censure, to the War Department, for the utter confusion and uncertainty in relation to its business. On the 7th of February last, I proposed to the Senate a resolution asking for the information that is now sought for by gentlemen. I hold in my hand a report from the present Secretary of War, dated February 28, 1862. There is some confusion and conflict as to dates. He says: "I have the honor to transmit herewith two statements prepared in the Adjutant General's office in answer to a resolution of the Senate of the 7th ultimo, calling upon this Department for the aggregate number of three years' volunteers that have been mustered into the service of the United States." It refers to the date of the resolution as the 7th of January. This report is dated the 28th of February, and it sends here a report of the Adjutant General, dated at his office the 14th of January, 1862. If this report was made out on the 28th of February, 1862, why was it that the Adjutant General brought down the report of his office to no later a date than the 14th of January previously? It was a matter agreed and conceded on all hands that during the continuance of the previous Secretary of War in his office, there never was a more incompetent officer in high place than he was; that, in point of incapacity and utter ignorance of the important business of his high office, and of the exact condition of its business, no man was ever in any place that was more profoundly ignorant. I was informed by a member of the Cabinet, about the time that I offered this resolution, that there could not be reported, either from the Adjutant General's office or the War Department, more than about four hundred and forty regiments, without regard to their size; and yet previous to that the late Secretary of War had reported the number of the Army of the United States at about six hundred and seventy thousand men. There was a discrepancy of upwards of two hundred thousand men between his report and the facts of the case. Here is a tabular statement of the amount of soldiery furnished by the different States, sent to us by the War Department. My own State is put down at two cavalry regiments and eight infantry regiments. The report bears date the 28th day of February last, and on that very day there were at least four, if not six, cavalry regiments from the State of Kentucky in the service, and from twenty-four to twenty-eight infantry regiments. The aggregate amount of soldiery from that State about the 1st of February last exceeded thirty thousand troops. At the day this report bears date it amounted to not less, and I believe to more, than twenty-five thousand in the aggregate. I suppose that there will be found about as much difference from the true facts of the case in relation to other States as there is in relation to the State of Kentucky. I here charge that it is eminently disgraceful to the Administration and to the War Office that there should not be more exact and more reliable information in regard to these matters than is furnished to the Senate and the Congress of the United States. These men ought to attend to their duties; they ought to have their offices in good fix. I have been a clerk myself, and I know how offices can be kept, and I know that if there are competent men in these places they may have their books in such position and condition that all information in relation to these things they can furnish to any proper authority, that asks for the information, in a few hours. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair is obliged to call on the Senator from Kentucky to suspend his remarks. The further consideration of this bill is postponed under the authority of the rule of the Senate. Mr. DAVIS. I close, and am willing to let the vote be taken. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the rule of the Senate the special order of the day, the unfinished business of the last sitting, takes precedence of all other business at this hour, and that is the bill limiting the number of major and brigadier generals. Mr. FESSENDEN. I move to postpone that order of business until this subject is disposed of. I presume nobody else wishes to address the Chair, and that the Senate is ready to vote on this bill. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It is moved that the special order of the day be postponed for the purpose of considering and disposing of the appropriation bill before the Senate. The motion was agreed to. forward by the Governor; the number of men in those regiments may have been known to the Governor, and it may not: I doubt whether it was. now, But whether it was or not, how can he tell how can anybody tell the number of men in those regiments? I have a letter that I have received within the last three days from a brigadier general from my State now in the army at Yorktown. Speaking of one favorite regiment from my State, he says that regiment entered the service last October more than a thousand strong, and now they cannot muster much more than five hundred men. How can the Government here know anything about that? And so with respect to other regiments: men are sick, men die, and men are discharged; how can the Administration here know anything about it? They must get all the information they have from the States, and if the States are unable to furnish that information, I ask the Senate how it can be obtained, and how can they be guilty of such dereliction of duty as is imputed to them in this respect? Mr. GRIMES. The Senator does not suppose that information as to the number of men discharged goes to the States. For instance, the number of men discharged from that regiment near Yorktown should be reported from the regimental officers to the brigade officers, and come through the regular channels here. Mr. HARRIS. Of course, I know that. I know the Department here can tell how many men they discharge. Mr. GRIMES. Then if they knew how many men they had at the start Mr. HARRIS. That is the trouble; they do not. How are they going to know? Mr. GRIMES. Do they not know how many men were in that regiment when it was mustered into the service of the United States? Mr. HARRIS. Perhaps so. Mr. GRIMES. The mustering officer makes report the moment it is done to the Adjutant General, and the Adjutant General, if he has his books entered up, as I have no doubt he has, credits such a State with such a regiment, containing such a number of men. Mr. HARRIS. Until within thirty days almost every regiment in the whole volunteer army has had recruiting officers out bringing in new men. Mr. GRIMES. Every recruiting officer is required to make his regular monthly report; and we have given to the Adjutant General's office a sufficient number of clerks to keep all these accounts up square and straight-just as regularly as the book-keeper of any mercantile establishment keeps his books. Mr. HARRIS. Sir, I undertake to say that to keep such an account as that with all the regiments of volunteers from all the States, is utterly impracticable. With all the force they have in the War Department, it cannot be done. I think I can approximate very nearly to the amount of men from my State, and I think Senators, who will take as much pains as I have, in reference to their own States, will come near it. That is as well as we can do. We have one hundred and eighteen regiments and twelve batteries of artillery from New York, or about equal to one hundred and twenty regiments. I suppose they came into the field averaging about eight hundred men, but I presume they are very greatly reduced now. I have thought all along that gentlemen, Senators and others, were entirely over-estimating the num the service. I do not believe that this day the United States have half a million of men in the field. This on my part is a mere guess; but, on the best estimate I can make, there are less than Mr. HARRIS. I do not rise, sir, to make a speech upon this question. It seems to me perfectly obvious that the bill must pass: it ought to pass; and yet I do not exactly like to have the matter go out to the country in the shape in which it is presented by this debate. It is no new thing in the Senate to hear the question discussed as to the number of volunteer soldiers we have in the field. It is an old topic here. We have had it up half a dozen times during this session, and about the same things have been said. Now, sir, I undertake to say that the War Department is not so much to blame as the Senator from Kentucky has undertaken to assert, and as other Senators seem to suppose. Look at it a little; see how this thing|ber of men, active, efficient men, that we have in is arranged. I will take my own State. I think I know a little more than Senators generally in relation to the number of men we have from the State of New York. I can tell the Senate that we have sent from New York into the field one hun-half a million of men in the field. We over-estidred and five regiments of infantry, and we have sent from New York into the field eleven regiments of cavalry, and we have sent four regiments of artillery, making altogether one hundred and twenty regiments that we have sent into the field out of that State, besides the fragments and skeletons of regiments that are yet there unfinished. Of these one hundred and twenty, two regiments have been disbanded, one regiment of infantry and one of cavalry, leaving in the service of the United States from the State of New York now one hundred and eighteen regiments. Those regiments were organized under the State administration; they were organized by the Governor, they were sent mate these things altogether; we have been in the habit of doing it. How often have we heard it said in this Congress that we had two hundred thousand or two hundred and fifty thousand men here last winter? We never had anything like that number of men fit for service here. You cannot get at the precise number; but if you reason about it, if you look at general facts, you will be forced to the conclusion that we could not have had so many efficient men. I do not believe that we have now seventy-five thousand men in the field fit for service from the State of New York, with our hundred and twenty regiments. Mr. GRIMES. The Senator will allow me to suggest that the question before us is not how many efficient men we have, but how many men we are paying. We pay the men who are in hospitals. Mr. HARRIS. I know that. Mr. GRIMES. The question is not what is the efficient force of the Army, but what is the entire force. Mr. DAVIS. Only a word, sir. I have some little knowledge of this matter of mustering men into the service of the United States, or into the service of the Stage with a view to their being transferred from the State to the service of the United States. I acted as a mustering officer, and I caused three separate rolls of each company to be made out; and, as I understood, one of them was intended to be transmitted, and I doubt not was transmitted, to the office of the Adjutant General of the United States. Those rolls would furnish that office with the exact number, and the name of every officer and man that was mustered into the service of any State, and out of the service of that State into the service of the United States. Gentlemen have been inquiring all this session for a little exact information at any time, at any date, in relation to this matter. Can the Senator from New York, or the Department, or the Committee on Military Affairs tell us exactly the number of men that were in the service of the United States on any day between the commencement of this session of Congress and the present time? I say that the failure or inability of the War Office to furnish that information is disgraceful; but such it seems is the order in which that office is found. The public opinion of the United States of America ought not to tolerate such a state of things. If I understand it aright, every company in the whole Army of the United States ought to make a daily report of the strength and the condition of its force, and this report ought to be transmitted from office to office until ultimately it reaches, as the grand reservoir, the office of the Adjutant General of the United States, and there they ought to collate them and give us the information. It is because the office is totally unable to give any such information, even to an approximate degree, that censure has been cast there, and I believe very properly and justly. The bill was reported to the Senate, ordered to a third reading, read the third time, and passed. MAJOR AND BRIGADIER GENERALS. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The business properly before the Senate, under the rules, is the bill (S. No. 297) limiting the number of major and brigadier generals. It is the unfinished business of yesterday, which takes precedence among the special orders. That bill is before the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, and the question is upon the amendment moved by the Senator from New Hampshire, [Mr. HALE,] to strike out two hundred," and insert "one hundred and eighty," as the number of brigadier generals. Mr. HALE. I ask for the yeas and nays on that amendment. The yeas and nays were ordered; and being taken, resulted-yeas 16, nays 19; as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Hale, Harlan, Howe, Kenuedy, Powell, Saulsbury, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson of Missouri-16. NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Collamer, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harris, Henderson, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Simmons, Stark, Ten Eyck, Willey, Wilson of Massachusetts, and Wright-19. So the amendment was rejected. The bill was reported to the Senate, as amended, and the amendment, made as in Committee of the Whole, (which was to fix the number of major generals at thirty instead of twenty,) was concurred in. The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, was read the third time, and passed. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. Mr. DOOLITTLE. I believe there is no special order now before the Senate Mr. SIMMONS. I gave way to the bill of the Senator from Maine a while ago, supposing there would be no debate upon it. I should like now to call up the bill for the establishment of a Department of Agriculture, which was the special order for to-day at half past twelve o'clock. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It can come up now on motion only; it does not stand as a special order. Mr. SIMMONS. Then I move to take up that bill. The motion was agreed to; and the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill (H. R. No. 269) to establish a Department of Agriculture, the pending question being on the amendment of Mr. FOSTER, to strike out all after the enacting clause of the bill, and insert a substitute. Mr. SIMMONS. I wish to propose an amendment to the original bill. I notice that some objection has been made that it does not provide that a report shall be made to Congress. I did not notice the omission. I move, in the thirteenth line of the third section, after the word "President," to insert the words "and to Congress." The amendment was agreed to. Mr. SIMMONS. Now, I have a single word to say with reference to the substitution of the proposition of the Senator from Connecticut for the original bill. As it has been amended by him, or with his consent, it provides no duty to this Department that is not provided for in the present bill. It increases the number of clerks somewhat; for what purpose I cannot conceive. I suppose, however, it is because there were other duties assigned when his amendment was drawn. I have another objection to the proposed substitute: it simply creates a bureau instead of a department, as has been prayed for by the agriculturists for a great many years. I hold in my hand a petition of the National Agricultural Society, signed by its president and other officers, praying for the establishment of the identical measure proposed in the original bill, in which they set out a great many reasons for it. The president of the society was before the committee this morning, urging us to pass the bill as it came from the House of Representatives; representing that it would be greatly more satisfactory to the agriculturists than anything they had seen. As it called for no money, he thought it was a very good beginning for this Department, and he hoped Congress would pass it. I do not see the Senator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. CowAN,] who this morning started a constitutional question about this matter, in his seat. If he were here, I would read a little extract from this memorial which, I think, might possibly remove his objection. He has a great veneration for the authority quoted in this memorial, and I suppose it would remove his troubles in that regard. These parties say: "The obligation of our Government to promote the agriculture of the country has frequently been asserted in the most authoritative manner. Our first paternal President urged the encouragement of agriculture by our national Government, as of primary importance' to the country. And our present excellent Chief Magistrate, in his recent annual message, earnestly recommended the creation of a proper Agricultural Department for the promotion of the great interests of husbandry. The Secretary of the Interior, who supervises the present imperfect establishmenty in his recent able report, earnestly advises the organization of a proper Agricultural Department." For myself, I do not want any better authority for supporting a measure than that a similar proposition had been urged by the Father of his Country. Mr. FESSENDEN. Do I understand the Senator to say that the first President recommended a separate Department of the Government for agriculture? Mr. SIMMONS. No, sir. I read from the memorial, and I will read it again. Mr. FESSENDEN. That he recommended such a measure as this? Mr. SIMMONS. No, sir. The memorial states that the present Chief Magistrate recommended it. Mr. FESSENDEN. Does he recommend the establishment of a separate Department? Mr. SIMMONS. Yes, sir. Mr. FOSTER. I guess not. Mr. SIMMONS. Then these memorialists are mistaken. I do not vouch for it. It is signed by the president of the society. I will read it again: "The obligation of our Government to promote the agriculture of the country has frequently been asserted in the most authoritative manner. Our first paternal President urged the encouragement of agriculture by our national Government, as of primary importance' to the country. And our present excellent Chief Magistrate, in his recent annual message, earnestly recommended the creation of a proper Agricultural Department for the promotion of the great interests of husbandry. The Secretary of the Inte rior, who supervises the present imperfect establishment, in his recent able report earnestly advises the organization of a proper Agricultural Department." Mr. FOSTER. A bureau under him. Mr. SIMMONS. He does not call it so. That seems now, according to gentlemen, to have dwindled down to a bureau. They all recommended national encouragement to agriculture, and the President and Secretary of the Interior have recommended an Agricultural Department. Mr. COLLAMER. If the gentleman will indulge me one moment, I will call his attention to what the President does say. I read from the message: "Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest in the nation, has not a Department or a bureau, but a clerkship only assigned to it in the Government." Then he goes on to say: Mr. Webster in the last days of his life, if by any possibility he could do it, to extricate the question of manufactures, and the tariff, as it related to manufactures, from that political whirlpool into which politicians had dragged it. The latter years of his life were earnestly, strenuously, and perseveringly devoted to that end, to extract manufactures and the tariff from the arena of political influences and discussions. He hardly succeeded, sir. I remember that, not many years since, I was present at a meeting of the State Agricultural Society in my own State, and, as I was not much of a practical farmer, I suppose it was rather complimentary to the position with which the good "It is fortunate that this great interest is so independent people of the State had honored me I was called in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from the Government. I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something more cannot be given voluntarily, with general advantage." He does not recommend a Department. Mr. SIMMONS. I did not look into the message to see whether these folks had got it right. Nobody has read what the Secretary of the Interior said. Did he recommend a Department? Mr. FOSTER. No, sir; he did not. Mr. SIMMONS. Then these folks are mistaken. Mr. FOSTER. They are mistaken, clearly. Mr. SIMMONS. Well, the committee unan imously recommend a Department; and we will take the responsibility of that. I think that the bill proposed by the committee, with the amendments they have made, is much better prepared and much better guarded than the substitute of fered by the Senator from Connecticut. That substitute makes no provision for the accountability of these officers for the expenditure of the money at all. It makes no provision for the chief clerk to act as Commissioner of Agriculture in the absence of the chief. The committee thought of all these things, and endeavored to perfect a bill that would secure a faithful administration of this establishment. I have found a great deal of trouble in getting this matter acted upon by the Senate. I know the fact that for a great many years the agricultural interests of this country have been struggling to get a recognition of their important business by the Government. They want a separate organization, so that they shall call it theirs, I suppose. They produce considerably more than half of all that is produced in the country. The producing classes of this country produce, by their sturdy labor, four thousand millions annually. Fully three fourths of the whole people are engaged in this pursuit, and I venture to say that not one quarter of those productions is consumed by that three fourths, while the non-producers consume as much as the whole three fourths. Look into the statistics, and you will come to that conclusion. I have heard it objected to this proposed Department that we recommend, that it will grow and become exorbitant in its demands upon the Treasury, that it will loom up into the nature of a Cabinet appointment. I have had some little experience in agriculture; I have had some experience here; and as I said the other day, I know of no class of people, no great branch of industry that have importuned Congress so little. I scarcely ever see a memorial here for the expenditure of a dollar for it. You never see a farmer here. While others are trying to get their hands into the Treasury. up to their elbows, the farmers are at home about their work. They lean upon the handles of their plows rather than upon this Government for supporting their families. Sir, I am astonished at the opposition made here to a mere recognition of that class. They do not depend much upon the Government aid. They have never been very solicitous to obtain it, but they do desire, and I have noticed in their meetings a very great anxiety to get this sort of an establishment here to recognize their industry, the great and leading feature in the country. That is what I want. If it does not cost us anything we can be liberal, and at the same time economical. I hope the bill will pass. Mr. HALE. I had the floor on this subject the other day, and had just opened my mouth to speak upon it when the Chair interrupted me and left me in that position, like a dog that opened his mouth to bark at a train, but which passed by before he was ready. [Laughter.] I have but very little to say upon it, but that little I want to say now. I know, sir, it was one of the great efforts of upon to say something to the agricultural society. I turned over in my mind something that I might possibly say that might be suggestive, or make some suggestion that was worthy of their consideration. It occurred to me that there was one fortunate circumstance in reference to agriculture which neither commerce nor manufactures had. It was this: that that great art, communicated from the divine Author of our being to man when He made him and placed him on the globe, and subjected the earth to his use and made it his lot to get his living from the earth, by the good providence of God had thus far been kept out of the hands of politicians; that they depended upon themselves, upon their mother earth, and their father God, for whatever of success they might achieve; and that that was one of the happy circumstances of the condition in which they were placed. Now, sir, I venture to remark that the great anxiety to have agriculture elevated to a Department of this Government, and finally to a seat in the Cabinet, for that is what it looks to, does not come from the men of whom my excellent friend from Rhode Island speaks, that lean upon their plow-handles; but it comes from the men who want them to take their hands off the plow-handle and vote for them at the ballot-box. Those are the men who I think are mainly instrumental in this effort to elevate agriculture. My own opinion, whatever that is worth, is, that agriculture does not want any of this assistance. If the genius of agriculture could be impersonated and could come here to-day, its prayer to the American Congress would be, "for God's sake, let us alone." They would say as the manufacturers of France said to Bonaparte, when in the zenith of his power he called some of them and said, "now what can I do for you, for the manufactures of France?" "Let us alone," was the answer. It appears to me that "let us alone" would be the prayer that agriculture would put up to Congress to do if it said anything. I do not believe that the real and permanent interests of agriculture will be promoted by any of the movements that are on foot for it. If there is anything to be done, I am for that measure which does the least. The Senator from Rhode Island suggests that the measure he recommends is the one which does the least and interferes the least. If it is, I am for that; but I think the whole thing is a mistake. If you make a separate Department of this, you will have it with a Cabinet minister before long. Go into the President's room in this Capitol and you will see painted upon the walls, first Washington, and then on the panels around five heads of Departments, a part of whom only constituted his Cabinet. Now there are seven heads of Departments, with places in the Cabinet. The Navy Department and the Department of the Interior have been created since the administration of Washington, other heads of existing Departments have taken place in the Cabinet, increasing it from three to seven, and this Agricultural Department will soon furnish another. Such is the growth of the Cabinet. But, sir, I think the time is inopportune for creating a new Department of this Government. I think it had better remain as it is. I did not intend to make a speech about it, and do not mean to do so now. I simply throw out for consideration what my own views are. My vote will be in accordance with the suggestions that I have made. Mr. SIMMONS. I am very happy to find that the Senator from New Hampshire takes precisely the same view of this subject that the president of the society did this morning before the committee. It was the great desire of those he represented to disconnect this from any of the De |