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constituie the committee, the Chair will entertain are submitted. I would not vote in palpable con the Republic, I entertain no doubt. Every fiber that proposition.

tradiction to my convictions, but I do not intend of the being of the Republic is against slavery, Mr. HALE. Other amendments and other bills to throw any opinions that I may entertain ad was made to be against it, and is against it, and have been introduced, which make it a different verse to the measure in the way of it. I do not ever will be against it. Slavery knows it, is conproposition to commit from that on which the think we shall make any progress by this course. scious of it, and slavery hates the institutions Senate acted,

Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. Mr. Pres of the country and this Government, and all the The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The sugges- | ident, I think if the Senator from New Hamp- legitimate and proper influences of democratic tion of the Senator from New Hampshire is well shire had spent the time in studying the various | institutions more than anything on earth hates retaken. They have changed sufficiently the char- | propositions that have been made instead of hunt- publican institutions. There is not to-day on the acter of the proposition to make it a new one. ing up the files to see who has made speeches, I continent of Europe an institution, a party, a sect Mr. HALE. I want to say a single word. and how many

have been made, and how many that hates republican government and democratic There is a difficulty in my mind in regard to the columns of the Globe are filled with those speeches, l institutions with the thousandth part of the inamendinent of the Senator from Massachusetts. l) and how many days we have consumed, he would tense bitterness that slavery hates them. Between I think I have been as anxious and as earnest as not have so readily pronounced this amendment || slavery and the masses of our people, nurtured anybody to advance the cause of free principles, | unconstitutional. I must confess I do not see any and trained in Christian democracy, there is and so far as might be done consistently with the rights | very great statesmanship or wisdom in the sug must always be an antagonism. we owe under the Constitution; but it seems to gestions that have been made by the Senator from Sir, slavery has made this rebellion, and alone me the machinery of the sixth section of thc || New Hampshire in regard to this occupancy of is responsible for it; and yet such has been the amendment of the Senator from Massachusetts is 1 time. Here are propositions, as the Senator from overshadowing power of slavery, so omnipotent objectionable to the exception that it is not in ac Wisconsin said the other day, of grave import- l has it been in these Halls, and over this Govern

ment, that when we, who are the children of demnot got so far that a man may be treated here as any that any Congress in the history of the coun ocratic institutions, who have in our blood, in our I used to be in my own State when I quoted the try had to consider. We are in extraordinary | being, in our very souls, love of liberty and hatred State constitution and the Supreme Court. The times. It is to be supposed that members of this of oppression, are called upon to act, when our sixth section of the amendment undertakes to au- | body would take occasion to make propositions brethren have been foully murdered, and wives thorize the President of the United States to go when we undertake to perfect the bill in open Sen- || and children and fathers are bowed in agony of into one of the States of the Union and point out ate, and that they would make remarks upon soul all over the country, when the existence of a crime, and as a punishment for that crime, by them. That this should consume days of our this nation is threatened by this system of slavery; proclamation, to liberate his slaves. It strikes time, can surprise no one. That it may consume when we, under all these circumstances, are called me, if we have any Constitution at all the thought other days, we must expect. If we pass a bill of upon to deal with il, such is its lingering power is new to me-such a proceeding is palpably un this character, such as I think we ought to pass, over even us that we can take rebel lives, take constitutional. It is not worth while for us to let the days we spend in maturing and considering rebel property, take anything and everything, but our feelings run away with our judgments entire such a bill will be filly spent, and will be for the are reluctant to touch slavery, the cause of all. ly, though I am willing to let them go a good way. credit of Congress and the interests of the coun I said the other day, and I repeat it, I think we I think the Senator will find that that is nothing try.

can get some property out of these rebels; but I more nor less than taking that crime, which is Sir, I am not a lawyer. I never like to discuss do not expect to get a great amount of that propbeing in rebellion, or participating in insurrection, law points, or to illustrate constitutional provis erty. I am willing to confine it to classes. I am which is a crime now upon the statule, and im ions. In the presence of Senators aboui me, I willing to take possession of that property, and posing as a penalty a punishment, not of confis. feel that it does not become one who is not a law hold it until we bring those classes to trial and cation, but of the liberation of his slaves by the yer, and an able lawyer, to undertake to instruct judgment; and therefore I think the power prosimple proclamation of the President. That will ihose who are cminent as constitutional lawyers posed in this bill will enable the President to seize probably be thought of by others who are able to in regard to constitutional provisions. I have my a considerable amount of property which we can give it more mature consideration.

opinions, and I make up my judgment. I listen hold for the benefit of the Government of the UniI wish to say further, once for all, that I am, to Senators, able lawyers, too, and on nearly all ted States, at any rate, for many years. I believe as at present advised, opposed to any and every the legal and constitutional questions that come we can punish the rebels more effectually, we can one of these bills and amendments and parts of up here we find the most eminent men in this body suppress this rebellion more surely, and we shall bills that looks to a trial and conviction in the disagreeing. Why, sir, it will be remembered luke the amplest security for the future peace and courts as a condition precedent to doing anything. that a few weeks ago we had a bill proposing to repose of the country by frecing the slaves of Whatever may be the intentions, the real bona fide make the Treasury notes of the Government a every rebel on this continent. I would be willing intentions and honest opinions of gentlemen who | legal tender, and we had the most eminent law to do it at once; but I am willing to give them a indicate a course of that sort-of course I have yers in this body taking different sides upon the few days' notice. I am willing to give them thirty not a word against it-but the effect of that prop- question of constitutional authority. I could only, days' notice, and to say to the men who shall be osition is just exactly to emasculate entirely the as an humble member, exercise my judgment as in rebellion against the Government, thirty days whole measure. It is to render it as completely to the power. As to the expediency, I had my after the passage of the act, we give you fair nouseless as a practical measure as it can be possi- | opinions. I had no more doubt than 1 have to tice, that, in addition to the other punishments ble to do. You might as well move to strike out day, after the working of the system, that it was now provided by law, or provided in this bill in the enacting clause of the bill. These are the views the part of wisdom to make those notes a legal regard to your life, your liberty, and your propthat suggest themselves to my mind. tender-none whatever.

erty, we will take away what has made you rebels I sent to the office of the Secretary of the Sen. Now, we have before us another question, far and traitors to your country; we will take from ale and got a little memorandum, which I desire 1 greater in its scope, and here we have the most you the bondmen you hold, and make them freeLo read here; for I want to suggest that in my eminent legal gentlemen of the Senate differing. humble judgment the remedy for this is not a The chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, Now, sir, it seems clear to me we have the recommitment to any committee. Such has not acknowledged by us all to be a good lawyer, leads power to free the slaves of rebels, and having the been my experience nor my observation in regard for one of these measures. The Senator from power to do it, I believe it to be our duty to do it. to the effects of these committees to which these Vermont, to whom we all pay so much deference, believe if you were to submit that simple propmatters are to be committed. As I suggested be and justly loo, leads in another of these proposi osition to the people of the loyal free States of this fore, in 1850 the famous committee did nothing. I tions. Other Senators, eminent men, have dif Union to-day, they would vote for it with a shout What we want is to vote upon something, and fered. Now, sir, exercising my judgment, I vote that would shake the North American continent. the longer we delay voting the more propositions for these confiscation bills because I believe, in Put that question to the people of my State, and we shall have. To find out what we have been view of all the considerations, that we have the you could not poll a thousand voles against it; and about, one of the accommodating gentlemen we power.

I do not believe there could be found ten thousand have in our Secretaay's office handed me this As a matter of policy, of right, I have my own men in New England who would walk over the memorandum. The confiscation bill introduced by opinions, and I do noi choose to sit at any Sen graves of their pilgrim and revolutionary ancesthe honorable Senator from Illinois was reported | alor's feet. For twenty-six years I have read tors to the balloi-boxes to vote that the slaves of on the 15th of January, 1862. From that time everything that is worth reading, in my judgment, rebels-rebelswho are striking atour national life, until the 1st day of May, instant, there have been on all sides of the questions connected with human and murdering our brave sons who are bearing the twenty speeches, which, with the running de- l slavery in America. I have listened, in Congress national flag-should not be made free. Put that bates, make one hundred and seventy-three col and out of Congress, to the most eminent minds question to the men who are with rifle or musket umns of the Daily Globe. The bill has been con of our country on that question. I have endeav fighting the battles of your country in the East or sidered in all twenty-five days, up to the 1st of ored to learn from every quarter where anything. || in the West, under their gallant leaders anywhere May, instant. If we go on as we have, we shall could be learned on the transcendant questions and everywhere, and few and rare would be the probably have one hundred and seventy-three involved in the issues of slavery. That slavery votes against a proposition so plain, so clear to inore columns, and I think this reference to a com is the sole cause of this rebellion; that it made the comprehension of the head and the heart of a mittee will add one hundred more to it. When Calhoun, in his day, its lender, its philosopher, brave soldier. The men who traverse vast spaces ever the Senate make up their minds to vote, I its teacher; that it governed that class of public of country, walking through the mud, drinking think we can vote; but the longer we delay, the men who have instructed the southern mind and pond and river water, sleeping on the cold, wet more confused our counsels will be; the more prop- “ fired the southern heart;" that it prepared that ground, sharing the soldier's hard fare, shot at ositions we entertain, the further we shall be from people, by years of teaching, so that it is in their when out on picket duty-the men who have seen a conclusion. It is impossible that we can all blood, their bones, their very marrow, I entertain their comrades fall, and have laid them down in think alike. We cannot; and not constituting one no more doubt than I entertain a doubt that I am their bloody graves—those bravc men would give of the leaders or distinguished members, I have a member of the Senate of the United States. That a vote approaching unanimity in favor of striking concluded to give up my judgment in a great de- , slavery is disloyal to the country; that it is dis down a power that plunged this nation into rebelgree to those whom the wisdom of the Senate have | loyal so everything connected with the Govern lion, summoned them from their own dear homes, placed on the committees to whom these matters ment of the United States and the institutions of their wives, children, fathers, mothers, brothers

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prove it.

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think if we had so acted three weeks ago we would That is what the honorable Senator from Ver

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and sisters, ncighbors and friends, and took them rebels against the country in sentiment and in thing, because it does not look like a war measaway to bloody fields of strife, sorrow, and death. || feeling; and so long as slavery lives as a power ure, and it does not look like availing ourselves

Sir, if the Congress of the United States shall to be upheld and supported as the corner-stone of of the physical assistance of that body of men, fail to free the slaves of rebel masters, the men republican institutions, just so long will those but it is simply in the form of a judicial trial for who are endeavoring to destroy the national life, hearts be disloyal to the country. There may be crime, and pronounces as a punishment for crime I believe Congress will fail to do the duties of the here and there a few men who believe slavery to the liberation of the slaves. “Nor need the Senahour, the duties that the nation and God require be right, to be good, to be sustained and upheld, tor have made the slightest apology when he came at their hands. I feel deeply upon this question. who may have a loyal heart; but they are like to express his views on the Constitution, for not The conviction is upon me that this is the path of || angels visits, few and far between. I cannot see having studied law a great while. He ought to duty to my country, and that the future peace of how a man can love slavery and wish to uphold thank himself for it. If he had studied law so the nation requires that this slave interest shall be and perpetuate it, as a system blest of man and much as some of us, he might have been left to broken down; and now is the opportunity-an of God, and be loyal to the Government, which, utter some of the legal nonsense and judicial opportunity thai only comes to nations once in in every fiber of its being, is against slavery. | quackery that lawyers frequently pour out upon ages. It comes to us now. Let us hail and im The democractic institutions of the Republic are the Senate. (Laughter.). I have respect, I think,

against slavery; for they are founded upon the for almost everything that is respectable; and I heard Senators, and among them the Senator great cardinal idea that all men have an inaliena among other things, I have great respect for what from Ohio, (Mr. Wade,) with whom I generally ble right to freedom,

the honorable Senator from Vermont (Mr. Colconcur in sentiment, feeling, and opinion, say the The Senator from New Hampshire has moved AMER) says, and I want to read what he says as other day that slavery was broken down by this to commit these bills to a special committee. Sir, a caution to my zealous friend from Massachurebellion. My hopes are that its power is broken. we have undertaken to perfect these bills in open setts. The Senator from Vermont said the other I believe much of its power is broken, to return Senate. That has been 'our policy; and it is pos- | day: no more forever. But, sir, I warn the Senator sible that we can do so. I was of opinion-al "If we are constrained to call up, invoke, and put in exfrom Ohio, I warn other Senators, not to under- || though I chose to follow the lead of the Senator ercise in any one department of the Government- it is imrate the tenacity and power of slavery in this from Illinois, who has the care of this measure,

material in what department of the Government-more of

power, more of force than the Constitution provides, or country. A power that,could instruct seven or and to consult his wishes-ihat the commitment

ihan is limited by that Constitution, the momcni we do that, eight millions of our countrymen, men whose an of these propositions to a special committee, a or are constrained from our necessities to do it, we accestors won with ours the independence of the majority of whom should be friendly to some le

knowledge before the world that our institutions are insur

ficiently founded, and that we are, aster all, compelled in country, who laid the foundations of a republican || gislation for confiscating the property and freeing

the period of trial to resort to the force which they say is Government, who have controlled this nation for che slaves of traitors, would hasten the passage necessary to the existence of nations, and our experiment three generations, a power that could make them bill hate our people, their brethren, hate the democratic institutions of our country, hate our Gov have had a bill through the Senate by this time. mont said, and well said, as he says everything ernment, and plunge into a bloody revolution to may err in judgment; but that is my opinion. I that he does say. Now I would suggest to my destroy the life of ihe nation-I say, a power like gave up my own judgment to other Senators who friends around me that if in their crusade against that is not to be underrated or trifed with. Why, have had the care of the measure. I am willing | slavery they are obliged to invoke a power that is sir, see the power of slavery even in the capital to continue on to perfect the bill in the Senate, or not conferred by the Constitution, if they are comto-day, even in these Halls, in the portions of the I am willing to vote for what seems to me to be | pelled to violate its precepts, trample upon its country near and around us. See the power of the wise motion made by the Senator from New | provisions, disregard its restraints, and disobey its slavery in Louisville, and in portions of Kentucky, Hampshire. If we can have a committee friendly injunctions, they do that which, in the language as described by my colleague the other day. See its to action, and who will act promptly in regard to of my learned friend from Vermont, makes our power over many officers of the old Army, some the subject, I think it can bring in a bill in forty- || institutions a failure. I have not read so much of whom seem to be more anxious to catch ne eight hours that will receive the sanction of the upon this subject as the Senator from Massachugroes than to catch rebels. Do not underrate that Senate, of Congress, and of the country. setts professes to have read; possibly I have read power that even now controls the action of mil Mr. HALE. When I made the few remarks more. He says that he has read everything that lions of our countrymen.

I did make, which were very short, and I have || is worth reading. I have read a good deal I know Sir, slavery cheated Washington and Jeffer refrained very much from talking on this subject that was not worth reading upon this subject; 8011, and the great men who founded our Gov- | in the twenty-five days it has been up, I had no || [laughter;} whether I have read all that was worth ernment. They believed it to be a temporary idea of provoking such a response from my friend reading or not, I will not say, but will say this: perisliing system that was to pass away under from Massachuset!s. He almost seems to put me if there was one single subject upon which the Christian and democratic influences. The nation in the condition of having been one of the sup- | early anti-slavery men of this country were carethought so; but not so thought South Carolina | porters of slavery.

ful and jealous and guarded in the enunciation of and Georgia in 1789. South Carolina has extended Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. Oh, no. their principles and the measures which they calher opinions of 1789, her sentiments, and feelings Mr. HALE. I know the Senator would not be culated to follow out, it was that they claimed, in favor of slavery over nearly all the slave States so unjust as that; but his zeal sometimes hurries under the Constitution of the United States, no of this Union. Jefferson looked forth hopefully on his eloquence in a manner of which he is little more power to interfere with slavery in one of the to the time when the young men of Virginia and aware. The Senator need not argue with me about States of this Union than with serfdom in Russia Maryland would be advocating the cause of eman the moral evils of slavery. He need not argue to or slavery in Turkey, and they have left no miscipation in those States, and to-day we see the me about the power of slavery. I have felt it more takenevidence of what their intentions were. They young men of Virginia in arms over the graves of than he has. The time was when the slave power spoke early and continuously and fervently upon Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Henry, Mason, sent missives from the city of Washington direct- that subject, and I remember that the first time I and the old revolutionary patriots of the Ancient || ing the Democratic State committee to call to ever had the honor of a seat in either branch of Dominion, fighting to destroy the institutions they I gether a convention and reconsider its action in the national Congress, a friend of mine from the founded, to destroy the Government they made, l nominating me for Congress; and the Democracy State of North Carolina came to me and asked me and the nation they brought into being;

bowed its head, adopted resolutions that were sent what were the opinions of the anti-slavery men Sir, I believe that if the Congress of the United from this city, excommunicated me from the upon the question of interference with slavery in States fails now to do its duty, and its whole duty, Democratic party, called a new State convention, the States and I told him that they repudiated we shall see even in these Chambers some of the and nominated another man in my place. The any such power with one voice, earnestly. He leaders of this rebellion come back here, and shake || leading Democratic paper of my State published begged of me to take an early occssion to say so their bloody hands in our faces defiantly. The a large handbill soon after that took place with a myself on the floor of the House. I said, no, Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. Howe) shakes his large crowing rooster, and announcing in his jubi never; for however it might satisfy you to hear head, I hope the Senator discerns the future lant proclamation that they had buried me so deep me disclaim that power, my own constituents clearly; but I am not sure, if we leave this gigan the resurrection would never find me.' That be would look upon me as a fool who was undertaktic power untouched, that we may not have again ing my experience, I do not need a lecture on the ing to deny that which was palpable and apparent in the national councils that race of bold, arro power of slavery. I can say as it is said a servant to everybody who knew anything about the A BC gant, domineering, disloyal men who believe sla once replied to his master. The master found out of the reformation that the anti-slavery people very to be a positive good, to be upheld, supported, sometime after, that somebody had Rogged the were about introducing. They claimed that slaand extended, and who wish to see its power, in servant against bis wishes, and he said to him, very was a moral evil, and was to be fought by the future as in the past, sway the councils of “I do not know anything about that.” “Well,' moral means. When they found that slavery had this country. I expect to see them here again, and said the servant, “I knew all about it at the time.seized upon the Democratic party, and made it an lo witness iheir seductive arts and their domineer- | (Laughter.] So did I about this power of sla- | engine for it to work with, they then attacked the ing spirit. Our fleet rode up the Mississippi the very, and long ago I felt it.

Democratic party, and they attacked it for its subother day, and lying before New Orleans, its com The honorable Senator from Massachusetts || servience to slavery. The Democratic Party were mander received from the mayor of that city a says that slavery cheated Washington and cheated defeated years ago, in the election of General Tayspecimen of his feelings, and the feelings of this Jefferson. Noi half so bad as it will cheat him if lor; and the Whig party when they came into slaveholding class of men. They bow in submis in his crusade to kill it, he tramples upon the Con power, forgot their faith, their first love, their sion to power; but they meet us with scorn and stitution of his country in his march. I am will. | fidelity, their consistency, and they bowed down defiance. Hatred, scorn, and defiance reign 10 ing to go as far as anybody within the limits of to worship in the same temple; and when they day all over the land of secession. When our the Constitution to cripple slavery, and I think did that the anti-slavery men attacked them, they armies defeat their armies, as we have done, and the Government ought to make use of that as a overthrew the Whig party, and from the ruins as I believe we shall do on all fields hereafter, we physical agency in suppressing the rebellion when || of that overthrow they erected battlements upon do not change the hearts that hate us, hate our it is brought in contact against it. All that I sug. which they have waged new warfare on the DemGovernment, hate our institutions, hate our flag. gested to the Senator was that I did not think the ocratic party and overthrew them. There is nothing on earth but slavery that has machinery he had prescribed in this sixth section Mr. COLLAMER. I hope the gentleman does made those men, ay, and those women, too, was precisely the mode and manner of doing the not mean to be understood that That was done

tors.

use want,

under General Taylor? I trust he does not mean as this, out of these crude elements, to mature a slightly from the one reported by the Judiciary that the Whig party disregarded their faith and bill that any of us will be satisfied with; but if a Committee, and yet differing so far that there can their obligations while he was in power.

committee be carefully formed who shall desire be no yielding on the subject; cach one must have Mr. HALE. I do not say they did it under not to promote their own particular theory or his or nothing, and several propose measures, and any body; but I recollect that my friend from Ohio views in relation to it, but to embody the views enunciate constitutional doctrines, that show they (Mr. WADE) once issued a sort of warning which of the members of the Senate who are friendly to cannot conscientiously go any further. proved to be something like a voice from the tombs, this measure, a committee who will enter upon I say, then, sir, I have no hope of this measure to the Whig party, telling them that their days their labor with such a disposition and such a when it goes to this committee, and I see that it were numbered, iheir race run, their course fin purpose will be able to bring out of the elements is a foregone conclusion. The question of recomished, and the cup of retribution at their lips to be we have before us a bill of which a large ma mittal was tried the other day; it was made a test drank up to its dregg. And why was it? Because | jority of the Senate will approve, and which will question then, and every man who was in favor of a dereliction of duty on the part of many of be adopted by a pretty emphatic vote. That is of an efficient confiscation bill voted against the them, of all that constituted it a national party in the thing that I desire. I should be sorry to have motion, and we defeated it by a small majority. reference to these sentiments.

such a measure as this passed by a bare, lean Now, new light is shed on the subject. Many of Sir, this new Republican party came into power | majority. I desire that it should go out to the the warm friends of this bill now wish to get upon the destruction of two parties that had been country, if it passes at all, with some moral effect, another bill, and for what? To emasculate it. The false on this subject; and now whatever party may not merely as a law passed by Congress by a mere bill of the Judiciary Committee which is under succeed this Republican party—and God only | majority vote, but that the great body of ihe Sen consideration goes none too far, if you intend to kvows what it will be-I hope that they may not ate, if we can get such a bill, will approve of the do anything. It proposes to take the property of write on ourtombstones that we spliton the rock on measure. I shall vote therefore for the proposition the great leaders of this rebellion, and of nobody which our predecessors did, and that is in want of the Senator from New llampshire (Mr. Clark) else. I liked the bill much better before it was of fidelity to our declared principles. If there is to refer this matter to a select committee, in the amended than I do now. It was said to be altoone principle that we have declared often, early, hope that a committee will be framed with a view gether too sweeping. Sir, the people whose estates and long, it is fidelity to the Constitution, to its to ihe object I have indicated, and that that com are mortgaged to make a defense against these requirements, and its restrictions. The mourners mittee will enter upon their duties with a purpose Traitors will not think it is too sweeping; the peogo about the streets in all the places that used to not to promote their own particular projects, but || ple who have to hazard their lives, their fortunes, be the high places of power of those two old parties, to mature out of all the elements before them a and their honor in the field, and those who stay mourning over their derelictions, and I trust that bill such as will be most satisfactory to the Sen at home, and who are impoverished by providing will not be left to us. No, sir, let us under the ate, and that we may be able to reach a wise for the country's defense, will not think that the flag-the old flag, under the Constitution, the old conclusion in reference to this most important | bill of the Senator from Illinois goes too far in takConstitution, carry on the warfare in which we question.

ing the property of those who have compelled us are engaged; and if we fail, we shall not fail be. Mr. WADE. I did hope, when this motion to this, in order to indemnify the northern peocause the Constitution does not give us power was first made, that it would not prevail, but I see ple somewhat for the exertions they have been enough, but because we are recreant and do not now that it is to prevail, and I believe we have compelled to make against these murderous trai-. the

power that it does give us. That is all I come to an end of this subject. The reference of

I want the Constitution preserved, and I this matter at this time to a committee I look upon But, sir, it can ot be done here. With some do not want to achieve even a success that is to as a renunciation of the principle altogether. We gentlemen the Constitution of the United States be purchased at the price of honor. I took occa have compared notes in the Senate; almost every is a stumbling-block, and some seem to feel very sion in an early part of this session, upon a reso Senator that had any project has brought it for tender in regard to these persons. For myself, I lution that was introduced I think by my friend | ward, and a good many that had none, have ex want it understood, I want it to go to the people, from Illinois, (Mr. TRUMBULL,] but which was pressed their opinions upon the whole subjectfully. that I am of the opinion that under the Constiluburied in the Committee on the Judiciary so deep regret to be compelled to say that from the prin- | tion of the United States justice can be done both that we do not even hear the clods of the valley | ciples enunciated here, it is most evident that there to the rebel and the loyal man. I believe we have reverberate on the coffin that closed it-I say when is not a majority in the Senate favorable to an ef the power; and I am anxious to take the property that resolution was up for consideration, when it ficient bill of confiscation. The bill reported liy of every man who has sought to murder my conhad life, before it was strangled in the house of the Judiciary Committee was one that contained | stituenis, who has compelled them to go forth to its friends and by its friends, I took occasion to real practical principles of confiscation. Most of battle and to mortgage their estates, or to lose their say what I now repeat, though I do not often the others add scarcely anything to the efficiency | liberties or their lives. I want it to be understood make speeches that are worth repeating, that I of the law punishing trcason at present, and when | by my constituents that I am one of those who wanted constitutional liberty left to us after the you go into the seceded States, it is perfectly evi- || have stood here urging upon the Senate a measwar was over; that constitutional liberty was the dent that you can bring no rebel to trial there. It ure that would indemnify ihem, so far as it can be great boon for which we were striving, and we is idle and nugatory and vain for us to be here | done, by taking every scintilla of property bemust see to it that in our zeal to put down rebel- talking about confiscation, unless we are ready to longing to an accursed murderous rebel, and dislion we did not trample on that; and that when adopt somc measure other than that of punishing posing of it to indemnify the people who have had the war was over and our streamers floated in the treason under the Constitution and by ihe course io defend themselves. I hope it will be understood air, and shouts of victory and thanksgiving to of the common law, because the moment you go that I stand for this bill, and I do not want to emasGod went up from the hearts of a regenerated and across this river, from here to the Gulf, you can culate it; I do not want to send it to a committee, disenthralled people, in that breeze might still float | convict nobody, as every one knows. Therefore for when it comes back it will come back a mere the old flag, and over this regenerated country | all who contend for any such measure as that con milk-and-water concern, just such as we passed might sway an unviolated and a sacred Constitu- || tend for what any one can see is perfectly idle and at the last session-a thing that was met with tion, in the faithful maintenance of which in the vain. If the Constitution does not permit us to scorn by the people, a laughing.stock, a matter of hour of our peril and our trial we had not faltered. go a greater length than that, why do we talk derision; so that they threw back in our teeth that

Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, when the mo about it? I do not know but that the law punish we had shown a disposition to do something, but tion for a reference of this subject was before the ing treason as it stands now, and has stood for a dared not manifest the courage to do it. It is a Senate a few days ago I voted against it. I did great many years, is well enough. I suppose we foregone conclusion that this will be no better. I so upon the ground that if a committee were con can go further than that. My opinion has been do not care whom you put on the committee, the stituted, as I understood parliamentary usage to and is now, but I shall not undertake to reargue bill will come back shorn of its strength and its require that it should be, it would be made up it, that the bill of the Judiciary Committee is a usefulness. from among the friends of the measure and also constitutional bill. It is so in my judgment, but I did not get up to argue this question; I rose those who were opposed to it, and that thus we it is not so in the opinion of a majority of the Sen- | only to say that at this moment when I see a foreshould have a divided committee and probably ate, and it is not so for reasons so radical that no gone conclusion to refer this subject to a select two reports, and the matter would be thrown open efficient bill can be made upon the principles enun- committee, to take all these propositions out of again for a general discussion.

ciated here. I think that is perfectly evident.' I which to manufacture something new, the great I think now, sir, that the discussion has pro- | regret exceedingly that it is so. The attempt to principle for which we have contended is gone. ceeded so far, the very diversified views of Sen pass a confiscation bill has now cost us a great The country will so understand it, and you will ators have been so generally developed and brought deal of time and labor. I do not contend that all find that we shall have no confiscation bill. out, that a committee is necessary. I do not, like that labor is lost. It is something for us to ascer Mr. SUMNER. Mr. President, the Senator the Senator from New Hampshire, regret the dis tain that we cannot agree upon this great meas from Ohio knows well that I always differ from cussion that has taken place. I'do not think that ure, and the people will understand it from us him with regret; he knows also that I differ from the subject has been discussed one hour too long. with greater regret even than is manifested here. him very rarely; but I do differ from him to-day. It is a great subject; it is a new subject; it is a Sir, the recommittal of this bill after it has been I shall not follow him in what he has said on the subject on which we should act cautiously and for four months under our consideration, and at constitutional question, nor shall I follow the Sencarefully; and this discussion has brought out a a period which I hope is towards the end of this ator from New Hampshire in what he has said on very great variety of views and propositions and session, will be a proclamation to the people that that question. The precise point on which we are projects. I hope they are all out. If there are will fill them with more despondency for your Gov. to vote, as I understand it, has been stated by the more, I should be glad to have them brought for ernment than the loss of half a dozen battles, and Senator from New York. It is, shall the pending - ward. It seems to me that now, having all these it will be viewed with as much regret by all the bill and all the associate propositions and amendbefore the Senate, the best mode of geiting at a loyal people in the seceded States as by those in the ments be referred to a select committee, with inprofitable result, a wise conclusion, will be to com northern States. I have letters every day from structions to report forth with? mit all these propositions to a committee of Sen the South, from loyal men of the Souih, praying Sir, it seems to me in the present stage of this ators who are generally friendly to the measure, us and praying Heaven that we do something to discussion the time has arrived for such a motion, friendly to some act of confiscation, to digest and punish their neighbors who are robbing them. It I have from the beginning, in good faith, followed presení to the Senate a perfect bill. My own judg- seems, however, that we can do nothing. Here the Senator from Illinois (Mr. TRUMBULL) in the ment is that it would be impossible in such a body we are, every man with a bill of his own, differing Il support of his bill. I accepted it when it was first.

account.

présented to the Senate. Were it now pressed to ator from Ohio. When we cannot do it in the that committee, I did not feel myself bound as by a a vote, my name would be recorded in its fuvor, Senate, I am ready to try a committee, and to test vote on the occasion when I voted against reBạt, sir, I cannot be insensible to what has passed strive there, and to see if something cannot be ferring the measure to a select committee; nor do in this Senate; nor lo what is constantly before done which shall be efficient for the purpose. I I feel myself bound to stand to every letter, syllaour cyes. We have already on our tables more agree with the honorable Senator that the time that | ble, or provision çf that bill. I am in favor of a than a dozen different bills or amendments that has been spent here has not been wasted; and it is confiscation bill; I always have been. I hope I have been printed. Every morning there is a new a singular standard of measure that my colleague may not violate any confidence when I say that, batch. This morning, the Senator from Wiscon- || has set up here, for the consideration you shall although I was not the originator of the bill, as sin (Mr. DOOLITTLE} reminds me, there are more. give to a bill, when, he says, so many speeches reported by the Senator from Illinois, without my Some of these proceed from Senators who are not have been made, so many days have been spent vote in the committee no such bill could have supposed to be very friendly to the principle of upon it. Truly, the Senate will agree that never been reported to the Senate. For reasons which the bill introduced by the Senator from Illinois; was there such an argument and such a subject || it is improper for me to state, there was a difficulty but some of them unquestionably proceed from before Congress and before the country as now; about reporting a confiscation bill; and as I was other Senators whose loyalty to that principle can and if we spent twice the days, and if we made twice in favor of punishing rebels without discriminanot be drawn into doubt. There, for instance, is the speeches, and those speeches result in a good || tion, as I was in favor of putting down rebellion, my own colleague, who this morning offered an bill, I think my colleague will agree with me that and in favor of affording every opportunity of amendment very important in its character, and they have been well spent, and that we have done affecting that object and securing that measure, going into many details,

good service to the country. Then, why despair? || although I did not deem myself committed to Is ihe Senate ready to vote on all these propo Here are different measures before us, and almost every provision, as I said before, of that bill, I sitions, in all their details, one after the other, so every measure has some good in it. There are did not feel myself at liberty to take such a posithat it may reach the final vote on the bill of the some things good in the amendment of the Sen tion as would prevent the matter being brought Senator from Illinois ? I have my doubts if the ator from Vermont, (Mr. COLLAMER;) so of the before the Senate-a matter new and important Senale is ready. At any rate, it seems to me that amendment of the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Sher in its character, which might, by the wisdom and it is a bad economy of time to undertake here to MAN;) so of the bill of the Senator from Illinois, the reflection and the meditation and the sug. examine and judge all these multifarious proposi- || [Mr. TRUMBULL;) so of the other propositions, ll gestions of a body, composed, as it is understood tions, some of them embracing many sections, in particularly that of the Senator from Massachu- || by the country the Senate is, of wise, judicious, order to reach that result which I believe a ma setts, [Mr. Wilson.) You cannot have them all calm, and discreet men, be matured and passed by jority of the Senate is ready to adopt. Owing to at the same time before the Senate; and I found this body in such a shape as would effect the obthe rigidity of parliamentary rules, it is impossi- il myself in this difficulty practically ihis morning: || jects we all have so much in view, and that are so ble to bring the Senate always at the proper mo

here was the amendment of the Senator from Ver- | dear at heart. ment to vote on a desired amendment. There may mont pending; the Senator from Massachusetts I voted against the reference the other day, and be an amendment to an amendment, but nothing moved to amend that, and that shut off all other I shall vote against the reference again to-day, beyond. In the familiarity of the committee-room amendments. I like some things in the amend not because I am in favor of a very extreme, radthere can be no obstructions or delays on this ment of the Senator from Massachusetts; I could | ical, or stringent confiscation bill, but bécause I

That is the natural place for this con have adopted a portion of it; but a portion of it I believe by keeping the matter before the Senate, sideration of details. If the question was directly || dislike. I could not make a motion to cut off a now that we understand it, now that it has been between two rival propositions, or if the number || portion and take the rest. I was put in the posi talked threadbare and bald, we can here and now of propositions was more within the bounds of iion of being obliged to take the whole or none do our duty in relation to this matter, and answer ordinary business, all this would be unnecessary. to yote for it or to vote against it. I did not desire the requirements of the country in this particular

Sir, the Senator from Ohio says that if this mo to do it. What was the only resource? In the better than by letting it slip through our fingers tion prevails, and these bills are referred to a se first place, to ask him, as I did in one or two in and go there to be buried or postponed in the lect committee, the whole question of confiscation stances, to accept a modification, and to propose chamber of a special commitiee. I do not know is lost. I do not agree with him. I say the whole another which he was not quite ready to accept; if I were to talk over it a month and I believe I question is saved. I believe that at this moment or to take a committee that should consider the have not said anything before-that I could make such are the embarrassments by which we are sur whole matter. The committee is not limited by myself better understood or explain my position rounded, such is the maze into which we have one amendment to an amendment, but it may take more fully than I have done, and having come lo been led by these various propositions, that we the whole bills and the whole amendments; it may that conclusion, I resume my seat. need a committee to hold the clue which shall ex- | pick out of this one what is good, and out of that Mr. ANTHONY. Mr. President, I voted on tricate us. The old parliamentary rule is that a one what is good, and so of the third and fourth, the question of reference before,

I shall now, committee supplies ears and eyes and hands to and reject the bad, and make up a good bill for the simply with a view to dispatch the public busithe Senate. Surely, there never was an occasion country.

ness. I thought at the stage of the measure when when such a committee was more needed than Now, I do not despair, let me say to the Sen the motion was made before, that a reference now, when we have all these multifarious prop ator from Obio, (Mr. WADE.) If we finally fail would only bring the question back in the shape ositions which need to be carefully revised, col and cannot agree, then, like good servants, we of three or four bills to the Senate, and we should lated, considered, and brought into a constitutional shall have donc everything that was demanded of have the whole debate to go over again. I believe unit, or, if I may so say, changing the figure, us, and I think shall stand acquitted by the coun- | now, from the intimations that are made on varipassed through an alembic, in order to be fused try. It is with that earnest desire to do some ous sides, that if it is referred to a committee a bill into one complete bill on which we can all har- | thing in this position that I have made this motion, may be agreed upon that will meet with the assent monize. And this I believe can only be accom and with no unfriendly spirit to the measure. of a majority of the Senate, and I think that a plished by adopting the motion of the Senator Mr. TEN EYCK., Aremark which fell from most desirablc consummation. I shall therefore from New Hampshire.

the Senator from Olio also makes it desirable for vote for the reference. On a former occasion I voted against the pro me, in my own vindication, to say a word. I un Mr. TRUMBULL. Mr. President, I shall not posed reference, and I am satisfied with that volc. derstood him to stare that a few days since we vote to refer the bill, and I regret that the motion But the circumstances have changed since. What had a test vote on this very question, ihat the vote has been made and that it now comes from and is I would not do then, I am ready to do now. on the motion of the Senator from Pennsylvania | sustained by friends of the measure. I do not

Mr. CLARK. I did not propose to say any. to refer the bill from the Judiciary Commiitce and || feel like contending with my own friends, or at thing upon this question, and I do not now pro all kindred subjects to a select committee of seven, any rate being obstinate in regard to the course pose to speak at any length upon it; but a remark was a test vote upon an efficient or stringent con that shall be adopted by the Senate. I hope that or two of the Senator from Ohio makes it neces fiscation bill. I presume the Senator from Ohio, we may be able, notwithstanding the reference of sary that I should say a word in my own defense, in speaking of an efficient bill, alludes to the bill these measures to a committee, to pass a bill that if I'am put upon trial. I understand the Senator as it came from the committee originally, which will have some life and some vitality in it, and to say that the motion is the renunciation of the included the confiscation of all property of all rebels that will accomplish something. It will be a very principle of confiscation.

and the liberation of the slaves of all rebels. In easy matter to pass a bill in this body, as the SenMr. WADE. I say it will result in that. I do all frankness, I desire to say that I do not consider ator from Rhode Island has indicated, if the friends not say that is the motive.

the vole I gave four or five days ago against re of confiscation, those who want to accomplish Mr. CLARK. I do not understand the Senator || ferring these measures to a special committee, as something, are willing to dilute the bill down till to say that I have that motive, because I have being a test vote to bind me.

it means nothing, and those opposed to it will uttered nothing, I think I have done nothing, that Mr. WADE. I perceive that I was misunder vote for it. When those opposed to confiscation sliould lead him to make such a statement. I stood by the Senator. I did not suppose it was vote for it, you may have a unanimous vote. 1 desire to say, in the presence of the Senate, that a test vote on any particular bill, but I did think think that will be the tendency of a reference of upon no measure, since I have occupied a scat it was a test on the part of those earnestly believ the bill. I think, in the effort to be harmonious, here, have I bestowed so much careful thought. || ing that they could enact an efficient bill, indicat the harmony is to be brought about by giving up The Senate will bear me witness that I have said | ing that they would do it in open Senate, reject- anything that is in any of the bills that has vitalnothing about it, but day and night, upon all occa ing such amendments and adopting such as ihey || ity and efficiency in it. sions, it has becn the subject of intense thought. I thought best, but they would not refer it to a com Constitutional objections are made to these bills. I have never been so embarrassed between my mittee.

They are the chief questions which have been arinclination and the constant hedges that seemed Mr. TEN EYCK. It is to avoid a misappre gued here. Is it supposed by my friend from New to be about me. I have desired, and I desire now, hension that might arise from my vote under the Hampshire, who is kindly disposed to these bills, to pass an efficient confiscation bill, but I desire declaration of the Senator from Ohio, so far as that a committee of five will settle the constituto do that in a way which shall be according to myself and my constituents are concerned, that I tional opinions of fifty Senators? How is it to the Constitution of my country, if I can. I have desire here, to-day, to say in a few words what I help the other forty-five Senators when five have not abandoned the idea that I can do so; I will not have to say. I wish still further to be frank, and unanimously agreed? Senators tell us they do abandon that idea without a further effort; and I say that although I, as a member of the Judiciary not kuow how to vole on the amendmenis, that am not so ready to give up as the honorable Sen Committee, agreed in the report of the bill froni they are embarrassed by them. Will they be

vinte enlightened by the private meditations of five Sen-money into the Treasury without ever looking at in a state of insurrection. Now, what will the alors who shall assemble together in some room a court; but he says that it must be property that Senate do with a case like this? I have a letter by themselves? Will that determine for the Sen- | is expensive to keep. It is constitutional tó con here from a very intelligent gentleman, a gentleator from Wisconsin, (Mr. DOOLITTLE,) for my fiscate property without the action of the courts, man of high character in my State, which I have colleague, (Mr. BROWNING,) for the Senator from if it is expensive to keep it!

received since I came to the Senate, in which he Vermont, (Mr. COLLAMER,) what is constitution Mr. COLLAMER. My bill does not say so. says: al? I have no doubt that certain Senators may Mr. TRUMBULL. It does not say that? Let Five or six years ago, when attending the land sales at get together and agree, but the chief objections to us look at what it says

Danville, in this State, I met an agent of John Slidell, presà confiscation bill have come from those who Mr. COLLAMER. That is not the confisca

ent rebel minister to France, who entered for him some based their objections on constitutional ground. tion provision.

forty thousand acres of land, and I learned that the next

year he entered some thirty thousand acres in Iowa. Last The Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Cowan,] Mr. TRUMBULL. We shall see what it is.

week, when in St. Louis, I met this agent and he informed who is opposed to all measures of confiscation, Mr. COLLAMER. With the consent of the me that Slidell still owned these lands. Now, it seems to bases his objections on constitutional grounds. Senator

me that here is a fit subject for confiscation." I know that other objections are made. I know Mr. TRUMBULL, I will read it; it will speak That is one instance; there are a great many that Senators say it is inexpedient. I know, and for itself. I have the bill before me.

such instances all over the State of Illinois and all I regret to know, nothing has made me sadder Mr. COLLAMER. I prefer to speak for my. over the western States where these rebels hold than to see that feeling exhibited here in this body self, if you will let me.

real estate, for they have been making investments to-day, even to this hour, which is the cause of Mr. TRUMBULL. I would rather let the bill for years in our lands. Are we not to touch them? all our troubles. I have been astonished, I have speak. I know the gentleman's speech and his Noi unless you can bring the man to trial! I been astounded beyond measure, when Senators bill were not in exact harmony,

reckon it will be some time before you get John have risen here, after a year of bloodshed and Mr. COLLAMER. If the gentleman' desires Slidell to trial. I propose to take that property, war, and have advocated ihe very course of pol. to pervert my meaning, he may go on.

and sell it whether Slidell comes to trial or not, I icy which has brought war and desolation and Mr. TRUMBULL. I will read the bill. propose to confiscate that property by proceedings devastation upon us. Why,sir, I remember when, Mr. COLLAMER. Your understanding of against the property where we can reach it. I during the last Administration, some of us went that provision is not correct. Putting the money know that was an extraordinary proceeding to the to the Chief Magistrate of this nation, and ap- in the Treasury is not the end of it. It is to be Senator from Vermont-a proceeding in rem.

The pealed to him, "Sir, take some steps to prevent || kept until the man is tried, and if he is convicted distinguished Senator made a great deal of sport, the fortifications of the South from falling into the it remains in the Treasury; if he is not convicted, of the words in rem. He actually pronounced hands of traitors to the Government; do not suffer the property must be returned to him, or the avails. them in so humorous a way that he brought the the forts at the mouth of the Mississippi, on the Mr. TRUMBULL. There is no provision in house down." Everybody laughed at “proceedGulf of Mexico, at Charleston and Savannah, and the bill for returning any property to him or the ings in rem."

It was a very strange proceeding, the valuable navy-yard at Norfolk, to fall into the avails of it.

one would suppose, to the distinguished Senator hands of rebels and traitors;" and what was the Mr. COLLAMER. That is the meaning of it. from Vermont. But in the Senate of the United the answer? Oh, you must not do anything, you Mr. TRUMBULL. The other day, when my States I hardly think it is necessary to reply to an must not send troops down to Charleston harbor; | friend from Maine (Mr. MORRILL) was comment attack of that kind upon a bill. it will alienate the South, and it will unite theming on this bill, and appealed to the Senator from I will allude to anoiher feature of the bill of the as one man against the Government at once! Virginia (Mr. Carlile) to know if it was this Senator from Vermont; and I speak of his bill as When Major Anderson, with a few men, was down feature of the bill which he indorsed after the a sample; it will be found that the same principles in Charleston harbor, he was ordered to do noth- Senator from Vermont took his seat, the Senator are admitted in the bill of the Senator from Kening that could offend the people of South Caro- | from Virginia said, “ 1 indorse the speech of the tucky, [Mr. Davis,) and in all the various proplina! Sir, a single regiment of men in November, Senator from Vermont; not his bill.' Now, sir, ositions; they all admit the principle, every one 1860, sent by the President of the United States we will see what the bill says:

of them, thai you can confiscate property. The to Charleston harbor, and placed in the three forts “Whenever it shall be deemed necessary to the speedy first section of the substitute offered by the Sena. there would have saved us this war. There must and successful termination of a rebellion by the President, tor from Vermont is a provision for the punishnot be a guy fired there we were told; it would alien he is hereby authorized by such commissioners as he shall

ment of treason. It will be remembered by the ate the South! And so at Norfolk, where two appoint”

Şenate-I would like the Senator from Wisconsin thousand cannon lay, with munitions of war and

Not by a court

(Mr. DooLITTLE) to notice this, for I believe this valuable vessels, where the Merrimac was, where " to sequester and seize the property, real and personal, of bill suits his viewsthe Government had millions of property, no such persons as shall bear arms against the United States,

Mr. DOOLITTLE. Whut bill is that? or giveaid and comfort to such persons, wherever situated; steps were taken to protect it. Why? To do so and if within any part of the United States the inhabitants

TRUMBULL. The bill the Senator would alienate Virginia! And now, sir, after all whereof bave been proclaimed to be in a state of insurrec from Vermont. He thinks you cannot confiscate the suffering that has followed, Senators rise here tion, lo hold, occupy, rent, and control for the United States

the real estate of a rebel or traitor beyond his life, in their places and tell us, “ If you confiscate the

until the ordinary course of judicial proceeding shall be re-
stored in the State or district where the same is situated,

under the clause of the Constitution which deproperty of these rebels, you pass this law, you and in all cases until the owners of şaid property ean be clares that “no attainder of treason shall work will unite the South as one man, and you will proceeded against by legal prosecution

corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during never have any peace. Is it not lime, sir, that And then comes an exception

the life of the person attainted;" and here comes we took counsel of our judgments and of loyal “but no persong holden to service, commonly called slaves,

in the bill of the Senator from Vermont, a propmen, and stopped inquiring how traitors and rebels shall be taken under this section.'!.

osition to confiscate-he does not call it by that would feel at our legislation? Sir, it has been the

Of course not; it has always been the doctrine

name-the real estate of a convicted traitor. Do thing in the way of the prosecution of this war, yielding to the neutrality that was preached in that you could never touch slaves; you cannot seize

you believe we can do that? That is this bill.

Mr. DOOLITTLE. I believe we can for life. some of the border States, yielding to the men them under this provision and set them free! Oh,

Mr. TRUMBULL. But this bill proposes to who came here from Virginia when their conven

no! Another section of the bill provides that you tion was in session to take the State out of the may do it after six months of insurrection and a

dispose of it not for life; but how does it do it?

It does it in the name of a fine. It does not call Union, to steal your property at Norfolk and at proclamation of the President. Then you can do

it confiscation, but it declares that the traitor Harper's Ferry. You held still until they got it; but all this other property you can seize at

who shall be convicted upon the oath of two witready and were prepared, and then they took pos

once, except the negro; you cannot touch him; session of your cannon and your guns, and they chusetts copied that into his amendment. Now and I am sorry that even my friend from Massa

nesses to the same overt act may be punished by

imprisonment and a fine which may take all hís have been firing them at you ever since. I believe that is the great distinction between we will see what is to be done with this property:

estate-a fine of not less than $10,000_" which

fine shall be levied and collected on any or all the the bills here. I believe that no bill is worth the

“ And all such personal property as shall be so taken which is perishable, or expensive in keeping, may be sold

property, real and personal, of which the said perpaper on which it is written that hesitates to take

son or persons so convicted was owner at the time the property of traitors and rebels before they

are counts of all the avails and receipts from said property so of the committing of the said act, any sale or conconvicted in your courts of justice. You might sold, let, or occupied, and pay over the avails to the Treas

veyance to the contrary notwithstanding." He as well undertake to make war through courts of ury of the United States."

proposes in that way to take the property of a conjustice as to talk about confiscating the property “Court" is not mentioned there once as to the victed traitor, when the Constitution of the United of rebels through courts of justice. Why, sir, it disposition of this property. If it is property of States says that no attainder of treason-and that is because you have got no courts of justice in the a perishable character, or if it costs something to means, l' take it, no conviction for treason, beSouth that this war is upon us. It is idle to talk keep it, it is not unconstitutional to take it and cause we have no such thing as a technical atabout a judicial tribunal in South Carolina con sell it and put the money in the Treasury; and as tainder of treason-no conviction for treason shall demning a man for treason before you can touch to the other property, the use of a thing is as work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except his property. If a majority of the Senate believe much property as the ownership of a thing, and during the lic of the person attainted. The Sen. that you cannot louch the property of traitors and this bill provides for taking the real estate and ator from Vermont proposes that it shall work a rebels except on the verdict of n jury, we can do using it--for how long? Until you can bring its destruction of all his real estate if you do it under nothing toward touching their property that will owner to trial. Suppose you never bring him to the name of a fine; just call it a fine, and you may be worth the paper we write the bill upon. The trial, are you to keep it forever? Then, it seems take the real estate forever, Senator from Vermont made really a great deal of you may, after all, do this without getting the But, sir, I did not rise for the purpose of dissport of the bill which came from the Judiciary matter before the courts. Now, I want to know, cussing the Senator's bill. I rose simply to state Committee, and yet his bill, so far as constitu- if you can do that, why you cannot take the real that I do not believe any good will arise out of a Lional principles are concerned, contains every estate absolutely? You will observe, sir, that this reference of these measures. I cannot see how principle thai is in any of the bills. He provides property which is to be taken and to be held, oc any five Senators here can determine these conin his bill for taking property without any trial, cupied, and rented by the bill of the Senator from stitutional questions for forty-five Senatorse I do without any court, without any adjudication; he Vermoni, is property in a part of the United States not see how that will dispose of the amendments. proposes to take property and sell it and put the where the inhabitanis have been proclaimed to be If there is a feeling in the Senate on the part of

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