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THE OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS, PUBLISHED BY JOHN C. RIVES, WASHINGTON, D. C.

THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS, 2p Session.

TUESDAY, MAY 6, 1862.

New Series.....No. 121.

every man, woman, and child there? It is im- speech-the amendment offered by the Senator in for? Why is such a provision put in at all? possiblethat we can, pursuant to the Constitution, from Massachusetts.

When you undertake to confiscate enemy's propmake a law of that kind.

The Secretary. The amendment of Mr. Wil- || erty as such, you never make laws that ihe propMr. WADE. Will the gentleman allow me? son, of Massachusetts, is to strike out the sixth erty of enemies who shall hereafter fight you shall I suppose we could have made a law last week section of the amendment of the Senator from be prize. You simply declare enemy's property that unless New Orleans surrendered it should be Vermont, and, in lieu of it, to insert:

prize, and confiscate it—the property of those who burnt, as well as there is power to kill the inhab

Sec. 6. And he it further enacted, That in any State or have been your enemies, who are your enemies. itants if they do not surrender.

part thereof in which the inhabitants have by the President If gentlemen will look at confiscation bills, such Mr. COLLAMER. The gentleman and my been heretofore declared in a state of insurrection, the Pres as are reported to us as having been passed by self differ. I think that the judgment of the quesident is hereby authorized and required, for the speedy and

the colonies at the time of the revolutionary war, more effectual suppression of said insurrection, within tion when the military necessity arises is to be left to the discretion of the executive power, thirty days after the passage of this act, by proclamation to

they will find that they were of that character. An fix and appoint a day when all persons holden to service or honorable Senator showed me a specimen of that who has in his hands the direction of the Army. labor in any such state or part thereof, whose service or la kind the other day; it was the Georgia act of conWhether it is necessary to burn a city, whether bor is by the law or custom of said Since due to one who,

fiscation, and it went on to enact that A, B, C, and after the passage of this act, shall levy war or participate it is necessary to desolaie a country, whether it is in insurrection against the United States, or give aid to the

D, naming them over,John Stiles, John Doe, Richnecessary to kill people who are not in arms, are same, shall be free and discharged froin such claim to la ard Roe, putting down one hundred or one hundred not legislative questions. bor or service; and thereupon said person shall be forever

and fifty, having been guilty of treason, their propMr. WADE. I do not like to interrupt the

free and discharged from said labor or service, any law or
custom of said State to the contrary notwithstanding.

erty is hereby confiscated. That is confiscation Senator unless he is willing that I should do

oui and out. Why do we not have such acts pre80.

Mr. COLLAMER. The sixth section of my sented here? If we have the power of confiscaMr. COLLAMER. I am always willing to be bill, for which this is offered by way of substitu tion which gentlemen say nations have so freinterrupted when it is done in a good spirit. tion, is of an entirely different character; is, as I quently exercised, pray why is it not proposed to

Mr. WADE. I never do it in any other spirit. have before explained, that if in any of the States | exercise it? Why not come right out with it? Why I ask, in view of what the Senator now says, why where insurrection has existed for a period of six is it not proposed in relation to all who have been was the sixth section of his bill put in?

months, and that is the case with all of them now, engaged in the rebellion? The honorable Senator Mr. COLLAMER. The gentleman could not " then, in that case, the President is authorized, from Ohio has said upon the floor two or three have mistaken me on that pointif he had listened if in his opinion it is necessary to the successful times over to-day that he is for confiscating the to the remarks I made the other day, which he suppression of said insurrection, by proclamation property of all rebels. Has there been any such certainly was under no obligation to do. I say to fix and appoint a day when all persons holden bill here? Has anybody presented a bill io conthat, in my opinion, the existence of an actual to service or labor in any such State or part fiscate the property of all who have been engaged military necessity in military operations must be thereof, as he shall declare, whose service or la in rebellion ? No. Why have we not such a bill judged of by those who conduct those operations; || bor is by the law or custom of said State due to from those who claim this high national prerogaand it involves the grossest inconsistencies to any person or persons who, after the day so fixed live and right? view it in any other way. I was about going on

Mr. to say, that the sixth section of my bill was pro- || pate in insurrection,” shall be free. There you the confiscation applicable to all who have been posed by me as an ultimate resort. I do not want perceive, in the first place, it is put upon the Pres engaged in the rebellion. io repeat what I have already said; but when ident, finding such a necessity to arise, finding Mr. COLLAMER. And that was rejected. questions are asked, I may be compelled to do it such an ultimate resort necessary. In the next Mr. KING. A majority of the Senate did not in some degree. I have stated that our legislation | place, it is put upon the ground that when he does, vote for it. should be consecutive and in certain progress, he may give proclamation to induce that people Mr. COLLAMER. I give the honorable Senrising from step to step as the necessities of the to submit still, give them notice of the effect that ator some credit for offering it. That was conoccasion may require. I have endeavored to frame will take place if they do not submit by such a fiscation, or at least looked like it. The amendmy bill upon that principle. I have attempted to day, so that they may have the opportunity to ment of the Senator from Massachusetts applies explain it as being framed upon that principle, still come in, leaving a locum pænitentiæ, a day only to the slaves of persons who shall be hereand why and how in each respect. I think the and place of repentance. That is what it means. after guilty. So it is with all the propositions. subject was capable of it, and I think I have given Now, what is the amendment? In the first Why is this? It is the result of our early educait consecutive explanation. I have supposed that || place, by this amendment, the proclamation is tion, which we cannot get rid of; it springs from after all the offers we could make, after all the in made a matter of no consequence at all. The the sentiment that you cannot pass ex post facto ducements we could reasonably present to these President is left no discretion about it. It is not laws. That is the reason.

I think it is a very people, some of them might, by possibility, be to be done when he ascertains that it is necessary. involuntary respect paid to that principle of the found to be persistently obstinale, and then there The amendment declares that the President shall, Constitution; but it is pregnant, and it is paid. might be this exercise of executive military power within thirty days from the passage of the act, The honorable Senator from Massachusetts, in an extreme case. I will not undertake to limit issue his proclamation declaring that the slaves

and the honorable Senator from Ohio, seem never the measure of that, except that it must be accord of all those who shall be engaged in this rebellion to have understood the explanation which I gave ing to the nature of the necessity. I have contem after the passage of the act shall be free. Does before, and I do not know that they ever will. plated that there might come an extreme case that offer the people any opportunity to submit? || Perhaps it is because they do not want to underwhere in a particular section the Executive might None in the world. What the proclamation is to stand it. The honorable Senator from Massachufind, after all experiments, that he could not suc go out for, I do not know. By this amendment setts especially, in offering his amendment and in ceed in reducing the people to obedience and in There might just as well be no proclamation, be- speaking upon it yesterday, seemed to be set upon puuing our laws in force and suppressing the re cause the President is left no discretion whether the idea-he entertains it strongly, and he exbellion but by declaring that the slaves in that to issue it or not, nor are the people by it to re presses it strongly, as belongs to him that the section should be freed. Whether such a neces ceive any notice that if they cease to make war existence of slavery and the existence of this sity would ever come, I must leave to the Execu they will have forgiveness. It is a simple dec. | country under the General Government are intive to say; but I was willing, in framing the bill, || laration that in thirty days the President shall | compatible. I shall not misrepresent him; I may to recognize the existence of such a possible ne- || issue a proclamation fixing a day when the slaves have misunderstood him; but if I did understand cessity. I desire not to create that power in the shall be free, the slaves of any person who shall him, that is his belief. He thinks slavery is the Executive, but, if such a contingency arises, in be engaged in rebellion after the passage of the origin of all the difficulty, and that the trouble some measure to recognize its existence and limit act, not after the time fixed by proclamation. will continue as long as it exists. And he comes and direct its exercise. Hence the sixth section There is no offer of forgiveness. The proclama in with this amendment to effect--what? That is so framed that if, after full trial, the Executive tion becomes utterly inapplicable, utterly useless. purpose, of course. If it is adopted, and can have finds that such a necessity has come, he shall issue || The whole features of the section, all its intended effect, and is constitutional, it can have no effect his proclamation, still leaving the exercise of the purposes, are radically changed by this amend at all except upon those who shall hereafter be power as some means of reconciliation, he shall ment.

engaged in the rebellion. It will not reach the state in the proclamation that after a certain day, Mr. President, I cannot but remark another slaves of the fourteen thousand prisoners taken in if they then continue in arms against the United | thing, though it may not strike every mind as re arms, whom we now have in captivity. They States, their slaves shall be free. I meant to have markable in all the provisions presented to us. cannot hereafter be engaged in the rebellion; we the power exercised in such a way as might, after In all these confiscation measures, including the do not mean that they shall be; and hence they all, induce these people to submit, to have it used amendment of the Senator from Massachusetts, are to forfeit nothing; their slaves are not reached as a means of reconciliation and settlement. I there is a certain involuntary but at the same by this amendment. The slaves of those whom desire by the section merely to qualify the mode time very pregnant respect paid to a partigular pro we have taken prisoners and put on parole not to of the exercise of this extreme power. That an vision of our Constitution that has settled down fight against us in this war, will noi be reached. swers the question of the Senator from Ohio as to and worn into the habit of the mind that no man The slaves of all those taken at Fort Henry, at why I put the section in the bill. Now it is pro can get rid of it. All of these propositions say Island No. 10, of General Buckner, and those posed by the Senator from Massachusetts that the that this confiscation, this emancipation, shall take || captured at Donelson, and of all the men who were section shall be entirely changed. I wish the Clerk || place in regard to the property and slaves of per- || captured in North Carolina and put on their pato read and if it cannot come in in order in any sons who shall—that means hereafter-be guilty | role the slaves of all whom we have taken, other way, I desire to have it read as part of my ll of acts of rebellion. What do gentlemen put that || whether they are now prisoners or are on parole,

are not reached by this. Again, the slaves in the executive business, if the Senator from Wiscon- have persisted in trying to keep this matter before border States that have not been included in the sin yields.

the Senate for some two months, until I am afraid proclamation here referred to, Missouri, western Mr. HOWE. Yes, sir. I ought to say to the it almost looks like a factious movement on my Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, and Kentucky,are Senator from Illinois that I have not the slightest | part to do so, but I do think that we ought to not reached ai all.

wish or purpose to stave off a vote upon any one come to some action upon this bill. Now, Mr. President, will this thing, carried out of these propositions. That is no part of my If the Senator from Wisconsin desires to speak in this way, effect the purpose? Will slavery tactics. I do not propose to speak with a view of upon this bill, and does not wish to speak locease to exist? I know if it is carried into effeci, || influencing anybody, but with the hope of mak-night, and his public duties have been such that it will, in some measure, accomplish this result; ing the Senate understand as well as I can the he could not be here to examine it before, I shall but the evil remains, that incurable evil, the exist reasons which will influence my own vote. The resist no further its going over. ence of which, as the Senator views it, is incon Senate knows how much I have been engaged on Mr. SAULSBURY. I did not mean to say a sistent with our cxistence as a nation. I simply | other business for some time past, and during all word; but inasmuch as I have been alluded to as mention this for the purpose of showing thai, the time this debate has been pending in the Sen having gotten the floor yesterday, and it has been guiding ourselves by the limitations of the Con ate.

declared that the subject was postponed on my slitution, which gives us power—and from that Mr. FESSENDEN. I have only to say that suggestion yesterday, I wish simply to say that source alone can we derive it-gentlemen cannot if the Senator from Wisconsin desires to speak, at the same time I gave notice to the Senate that effect the purpose which they have in view. It and does not wish to speak at this hour of the || it was not for any purpose to delay action upon cannot be accomplished consistently with the pro- || day, I think it would be most unreasonable to the bill, or to prevent a vote being taken. I know visions of the Constitution, as I conceive. I do compel him to go on. I know that he, with me, that I am one of the men on this floor whose voice not understand this talk that we are nearer the has been so much engaged on the tax bill, devoted cannot be potential either for good or ill. Findsource of power than the Executive; that we have to it day and night, that he has been unable even ing that there was a gentleman of the dominant all power over the war, even to the minute con to listen to the debates in the Senate on this sub party on the floor who desired to speak, and unducting of the war, and the judging of its neces ject, as I have been. If any one member of the derstanding that it was the wish of the friends of sities, laking them all into our hands, because we committee of which I am chairman who has not the bill to press a vote to-day, I yielded to that are the representatives of the people. I would spoken on this subject wishes time, it ought to be gentleman. I did intend to address the Senate have the honorable Senator from Ohio remember | granted under the circumstances.

after I heard a speech yesterday upon the subject; that there was not one of us ever chosen by the Mr. TRUMBULL. The Senator from Wis. but inasmuch as what few reinarks I may wish people. Not a single member of this body was consin has not asked as a personal matter to him to make can be made just as well on any other bill ever sent here by the people. We are the repre that the bill shall be put over. This bill has been as on that under consideration, I yielded the floor sentatives of the States, chosen by the agents of under discussion for more than a month; and yes to my friend from Wisconsin, (Mr. Doolittle..] the States-the Legislatures. We never had the terday, at a later hour than this, perhaps, we were Mr. President, as I said, I am one of the few honor of a popular vote, entitling us to a seat in very near obtaining a vote, but it was suggested men on this floor whose voice, either for good or this body. The President has as direct a vote by the Senator from Delaware, (Mr. SAULSBURY,) for ill, cannot weigh in the counsels of this Chamfrom the people as we have, and perhaps more so. that he might desire to say something to-day, and ber; but I will say that if there is a lingering hope All this is assumption. The truth is, it does not it was put over, and, at the time it was put over, of the reunion of these States, it is balanced upon alter it at all, whether you assume and surp the a conversational debate occurred in the Senate as this point. Pass this bill, undertake to emanciexercise of power in one branch of the Govern to the propriety of taking a vote to-day, and, so pate ihe slaves, and what will be the consequence? ment or in another; its evil effect is the same. far as there was any expression in the Senate You have discarded every utterance of a repre

Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. If the Sen of course the Senators are not bound by il--10 sentative from a border State heretofore, and perate is ready to take the vote now on this question, Senator objected to that course yesterday. It haps for what I say now ! may be represented as I hope it will do so. (" Yes."} If not, I move seemed to be a common understanding that we a disunionist, as a secessionist. I have been so that we go into executive session; for we must would take a vote to-day. I know there is a very charged before, but no man will make that declahave a short executive session to-day. strong opposition to any bill of this character. I

ration to my face upon his responsibility as a man. The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. Hale in know thai repeated motions are made for the pur Sir, pass this bill, and if there ever was a hope of the chair.) The question is on the amendment of pose of defcating any bill of this character. I do a reunion of these States, it is gone, i: is past. the Senator from Massachusetts to the amend not say that in regard to my friend from Wiscon Contrary to the advice of gentlemen situated as ment of the Senator from Vermont.

sin, (Mr. Howe.] I trust he is going to vote for I am, and representing the interests of the border Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. Mr. Pres some bill, atid, from the remarlis he has hereto States, you passed your bill for the abolition of ident

fore made, I inter that he will probably vote for slavery in this District, you passed your resoluMr. ANTHONY. If the Senator will allow some bill. A Senator moved the other day to refer tion, in compliance with the presidential recomme, before we go into executive session, I move this bill to a committee-a Senator who is known mendation, for emancipation in the border States. that the pending amendments be printed. Some of to be an enemy to confiscation, and whose object In nothing that you have done, sir, have you listthem have not been printed.

is to defeat the passage of any confiscation bill. ened to our advice. You have given no heed to Mr. TRUMBULL. I hope we may vote with I do not mean lo misrepresent the Senator from our counsel; you have treated us with contempt, out going into executive session. Everything, I Pennsylvania, and I am very sure that I do not. as the Senator from Massachusetts yesterday inthink, is in print that is pending.

He is opposed to the passage of any confiscation timated when speaking of the utterances of the Mr. ANTHONY. The amendment of the Sen- || bill; he does not believe in the propriety of it. He representatives from the border States. I think ator from Massachusetts is not,

is entitled to that opinion, and of course it is his that I am an honest man; I think that I speak what The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question privilege to make dilatory motions; but I am sorry I mean, and I mean what I say; and I tell you tois on the amendment of the Senator from Massa that those Senators who are favorably inclined to day that the warmest friends the Union ever had chusetts to the amendment of the Senator from a confiscation bill should unite with him in dil were in the border States. Sir, you have disreVermont. Is the Senate ready for the question? atory motions. I should be very glad to have my l garded our appeals, you would not hear our ad

Mr. HOWE. I should like to say a few words friend from Maine support this bill. I have no vice, you have passed your bills, you have done on this question.

hope that he will vote for any confiscation bill, your acts, whether we were willing or not, and Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I move an noi the least, and very likely there may not be you have virtually said to us that our counsels are executive session.

enough in the Senate to pass any bill, but I do not wanted and our advice is not to be regarded. Mr. TRUMBULL. I hope not. desire

I think that the Senators from Virginia and MaMr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. We cannot Mr FESSENDEN. If the Senator will allow ryland and Delaware have not been treated fairly get a vole to-night.

me, I should like to ask him the ground of that in your legislation. We have looked upon that Mr. TRUMBULL. Why not? Yesterday we opinion in regard to myself.

old' flag under which our fathers in common went adjourned with the understanding that we should Mr. TRUMBULL.' The course the Senator forth to do battle in defense of American liberty, take a vote to-day, so far as an understanding from Maine has pursued.

and we have worshiped it as the idol of our hearts. could be had on consultation in the Senate. The Mr. FESSENDEN. What course has the Sen When rebellion in the Gulf Stutes reared its front; measure has no better friend than the Senator from ator from Maine pursued ?

when in this Chamber it had a voice, and gave Massachusetts, and I trust he will not insist on Mr. TRUMBULL. I saw him vote on the its utterance for the dissolution of the American an executive session at this time. If anybody yeas and nays to refer this matter to a committee, Union, who did you find most prompt to utter a wishes to discuss the bill, let him do so. If my ihe other day, on the motion of a gentleman known word of condemnation of treasonable sentiments friend from Wisconsin desires to be heard, I am to be opposed to any confiscation bill.

and lo give effective opposition to treasonable acts? not for interfering with him; let him go on and Mr. FESSENDEN. Ah! That is all. I merely I appeal to the Senator from Massachusetts, as a discuss it; he has a right to do so, and he may do wanted to know the ground.

candid man—and I think he is an honest man, it to-nighi I suppose. He has not asked for a Mr. TRUMBULL. I think that is pretty good although I believe upon this subject he is gove postponement.

ground. When a Senator votes to refer a pend- || erned by very erroneous views—who was it? Did Mr. HOWE. I have not asked for a postpone ing measure and all propositions on the subject | hc stand up in his place

Of course, I dislike to occupy the time of to a person known to be opposed to the whole of Mr.COWAN. I believe there is a motion pendthe Senale at so late an hour in the day as this; | them, I think it is pretty good evidence that he is ing to go into executive session, and I would sugyet I really have not enough to say upon the opposed to it. I may have drawn a wrong inter yest to the honorable Senator from Delaware that question to warrant me in asking that the bill shall ence, and I shall be very glad to know that I have. That motion should be put without extended debe postponed on my account.

I hope I am mistakon, and that the Senator from bate. Nr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I think it Maine is for a confiscation bill.

Mr. SAULSBURY. I wish to give utterance is impossible for us to get this vote to-niglit with What I have said, I say to the friends of this to a few words, the fact before us that the Senator from Wiscon measure. My friend from Mussachusetts is one Mr. COWAN. I thought perhaps the Senator sin and others desire to speak. We must have of them. He makes this motion to go into exec would prefer another time. an executive session. It is now past four o'clock. utive session. It seems to me we shall never get Mr. SAULSBURY. I will interpose no objecI move that we proceed to the consideration of ll this thing to an end if that course is pursued. I tion to the wish of the Senate, but I want to ask

ment.

the Senator from Massachusetts who I believe to claims to represent her. Sir, we intend to go be I do not care in one aspect; the aspect most dear be a frank, a candid, and an honest man, although fore the people of that little, feeble, but gallant to you—the setting negroes free; but I do care governed by considerations that do not govern me, and noble State, and we will take issue with you in one aspect of this case. I have never, so help when Jefferson Davis, when Iverson, when Wig- | upon these questions; and hereafter no voice of me God, seen the day that I wanted cither the fall, and those men laid out the Union in state, who hers in either House of Congress, will be raised arms or the counsels of rebellion to prevail in this was it that rose and indignantly uttered a word of in your day or mine, sir, that dares to advocate country. I recollect in my schoolboy days readcondemnation in reference to their sentiments ? such a policy. I know that in these days, when ing the Farewell Address of George Washington Wasit the representatives from Massachusetts, or there is a triumphant majority, when you think where he warns against these things. Sir, it has was it the representatives from the border States? you have everything your own way, it is very been the masterpiece of written advice, which I One of the humblest, one of the youngest members easy to imagine that you are going to carry out have studied ever since. Two years ago, in my upon this floor I say to you and I say to the your policy everywhere; but you are mistaken. place in the Senate of the United States, when country that on the day that Mr. Buchanan sent his Mr. President, I venture to make a prediction. || Mr. Davis, now the president of what they call message to the Senate, when those gentlemen pro I am neither a prophet nor the son of a prophet; the southern confederacy at Richmond, offered claimed themselves in favor of a dissolution of the and yet I once did prophesy, and I think my his resolutions, I raised a humble and ineffectual Union, at the heel of the day's session getting the prophecy is being fulfilled. Some fifteen month's voice against them-not that I dissented from the floor, 1 proclaimed that my noble State, little and ago upon this floor I made the prophecy that if principles, but simply because I wanted to keep humble as she was, was the first to give her pledge any Gibbon should hereafter write the decline out sectional and party strife. In every vote ! io this Union, and under any and all circumstances and fall of the American Republic, he would date have given and every act I have done, I have tried she would be the last to abandon it. The position that decline and fall from the rejection by the to observe the same principle. I thought, sir, if that I took then I maintain now. But, sir, your Congress of the United States of the proposition's we could live a harmonious people united together, legislation is driving from you-bear that in mind submitted by the late Senator from Kentucky, we should not only be the greatest, but the hap-The warmest friends you ever had. Carry out (Mr. CRITTENDEN.) I think that prophecy is piest people on earth. In my humble place here, your policy of emancipation, undertake by a sim being fulfilled. Upon the strength of that proph- || I have tried by every vote I have given and every ple act to free the slaves throughout this country, ecy, and let me say upon the fact that it has act I have done, to preserve the unity of our Govand what will you do?

been so far fulfilled, I now venture to make an ernment, that unity being based upon the ConstiMr. FOSTER. Will the Senator from Dela. other. Pass your emancipation bills; you think tution which our fathers made. There are other ware pardon me one moment for a question? I you are freeing the slaves, and you will take

gentlemen here who have done the same thing; can assure him that he does great injustice to the them after you free them to your northern States yet they have been suspected, and I have been feeling on this side of the Chamber, in supposing among yourselves, you will do something more suspected, of being disloyal. By whom? Let truth that there is any hostility to the border States. than I anticipate; but you are passing resolutions be spoken though the heavens fall. By whom? would ask him in that connection-not to allude and laws to keep them from coming among you. By men who, from 1820 to this present hour, have of course to the proceedings of the other House, My prophecy is, that in 1870, let this war term been agitating the slavery quesiion. I heard the for that is not parliamentary-whether he has not inate as it may, whether you conquer the se Senator from Massachuseits say yesterday that heard that a Representative of his own State, a ceded States or not, it local State governments slavery was the cause of the rebellion, and while Representative of the whole State, voted for the are preserved in this country, there will then be slavery existed, the sentiment was, I suppose, that proposition which he condemns, when it was more slaves in the United States than there were treason must exist. In his impassioned declamabefore him as a legislator?

in 1860. Why do I say so? My friend the hon tion against what he considers the favorite instiMr. SAULSBURY. I thank the gentleman for orable gentleman from Vermont said the other tution of the South, he could not find aught of the inquiry, because it gives me occasion to ex. day we might as well lell the truth when we talk condemnation except as against slavery. press my views on a matter which I otherwise together. I am going to tell the truth, and say Mr. President, when I was a boy, among the should not have touched. When I speak to the what I mean. By your acts you attempt to free first things that I read in the proceedings of Conhonorable Senator from Connecticut, I speak to a the slaves. You will not have them among you. gress were the utterances of your (Mr. Hale in gentleman for whom I have the most profound You leave them where they are.

ihe chair) potential voice. And for wliat? Not respect, a gentleman in whose patriotism and judg Then, what is to be the result? I presume that for the extension of slavery, for then nobody proment and abilities and honesty of heart I have local State governments will be preserved. If they | posed to extend it; but you were opposing the great confidence. But, sir, I still say that our are, if the people have a right to make their own extension of slavery and the existence of slavery voice has been unheeded, our counsel has been laws, and to govern themselves and I presume when nobody, proposed to extend it, and nobody spurned; you have dared by your legislation to that even my friend from Massachusetts will not proposed to do aught except to observe the conignore the counsels of the Senator whose vacant object to that they will not only reënslave every stitutional guarantees which our fathers made in seat is before me-vacant not from choice but person that you attempt to set free, but they will reference to the subject of slavery. from indisposition—the seat of a man who for reënslave the whole race. I do not mean to sug Again, sir, when the proposition was made to iwenty-five years has reflected honor upon his gest a thing that I will not favor; I take all the annex Texas, who was it that said a word upon country in its council chambers. I refer to Mr. responsibility of the utterance in my own person. the subject of slavery? Did the friends of slavery PEARCE, of Maryland.

I say to you, sir, and I say to the country, that ask that slavery should be carried into Texas? Gentlemen, you have done all this, and you now if you send five thousand slaves into the State of No, sir; but the proposition was made to exclude propose to pass this bill. In boyhood, around Delaware-we have got about two thousand slaves it from Texas. And if I could see my friend from inc'knee of my father, 1 learned to revere your now, and we have about twenty thousand free ne Pennsylvania (Mr. Wilmot) in his seat, I should Constitution and your Union. I have never felt groes—if you send five thousand more of that like to say a word to him. He expatiated a little any other sentiment than that of respect and rever class of people among us, contrary to our law, on the barbarities of slavery, and its being the ence for the Constitution and the Union, but I tell contrary to our will, I avow upon the floor of the cause of this war. I think one of the first polityou honestly that if you pass this bill you sound American Senate that I will go before my people ical speeches that I ever attempted before my peothe death knell of the American Union.

for enslaving the whole race, because I say that ple in a humble way was upon something that was The honorable Senator from Connecticut says this country is the white man's country: "God, I called the “Wilmot proviso.' What was the that the Representative from my own State in the nature, everything has made a distinction between “ Wilmot proviso?" Was it a proposition to exHouse of Representatives voted for the abolition the while man and the negro, and by your legis- || tend slavery into the Territories? No, sir. When of slavery in the District of Columbia, and for the lation you cannot bring up the filthy negro to the nobody asked to carry slavery into the Territories, resolution relative to emancipation in the border elevation of the white man, if you try to put him it was a proposition by the same honorable SenStates.

upon that platform. I never had an ancestor that ator to exclude it, and to exclude it from territory Mr. FOSTER. I meant not to make the asser was not a slaveholder, as far as they have ever into which it never could be carried. Why was tion, but to ask the question whether that was the existed in this country; and I never had an ances the proposition made? For political agitation; for fact.

tor that would hold a slave for life, but always set the success of party; for the triumph of party, Mr. SAULSBURY. It is so, sir. I do not him free at twenty-one years of age; but I say to and nothing else. mean to reflect upon that gentleman; I do not you, sir, (Mr. Hale in the chair,) honestly to Again, gentlemen, let me tell you that during mean to say one unkind word in regard to him. you, whose voice has been potential in the coun the present session of Congress I have sat here, In our personal intercourse and private friendship, cils of the nation in behalf of what you call frec I have listened very frequently, I have listened inany acts have passed between us that I cher dom, and to you, gentlemen of the dominant party, most patiently, although I have felt a little sensiiali, and I never intend in a political controversy who govern the legislation of the hour, that we tive upon the subject, and I have heard gentlemen to do aught or say aught that is unkind person mean that the United States of America, from the of the dominant party denounce every man that ally. But I take leave to say that any man-1 do northern lakes to the southern Gulf, from the At voted for John C. Breckinridge as a disloyal man. noi assert that he is a member of the House of lantic on the one side to the Pacific on the other, | I am one of those men who think that a gentleRepresentatives—is mistaken who presumes to shall be the white man's home; and not only the man will be a gentleman under all circumstances, declare that the people of the State of Delaware white man's home, but the white man shall gove that personalities ought always to be avoided. Í approve your policy of the emancipation of the ern, and the nigger never shall be his equal. never indulge in them if I know myself; I

I cerslaves in ihis District, and the President's recom [Applause in the galleries.)

tainly never wish to do so. But they say that Inendation offering us aid if we initiate emanci The PRESIDING OFFICER. There must be every man who voted for John C. Breckinridge is pation in the border States. Such a policy advo order in the galleries.

a disloyal man, and they wrap the American flag cated by any man in Congress, or outside of Mr. SAULSBURY. No legislation that you around their holy persons because they voted for Congress, will meet with the stern rebuke of the can adopt shall prevent that irrevocable decree of Abraham Lincoln, and thank God that they are free voters of the State of Delaware. You have God and nature, the supremacy of the white man not as other men are, or even as these poor rebels seca the last Republican you will ever see, you in the United States of America. What care I, who voted for John C. Breckinridge! I should have seen the last representative of an opposition gentlemen, whether you pass this bill or not? I know how to answer any such remark as that if party to the Democracy of the country, either in do not care a fiy. Why do I not? My State is it were made to me personally. I do not take ihat House or in this, from Delaware, after any not interested in the sulject of slavery. I said I personal offense at it simply for the reason that such vole shall have been given by one who did not care whether you pass it or not. I do care. it is not addressed to me personally. Whenever

it is, I shall have but one reply to make-that man to understand it differently from what I intended; May I ask for it the earliest convenient consideration of either lies or is without the responsibility of a man. and in order to make it more clear, not alter its

yonr coinmittee and of the House?
With great respect,

S. P. CHASE. But, sir, let me tell you what you and your legal effect, as it was intended by me at any rate, Hon. E. B. WASHBORNE, party have done in voting for Abraham Lincoln. at the proper time I will offer what I now present

Chairman Coinmittee on Commerce. You have laid down a platform aggressive upon as a substitute for the first section; making it, I

The bill was ordered to be engrossed, and read the Constitution of your country. You have trust, more clear to some of those gentlemen who avowed principles contrary to the fundamental have made objections to it, which I think it is not

a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordlaw of the land; you still advocate them. I do obnoxious to." I simply ask that this amendment | ingly read the third time, and passed. not say you are dishonest in advocating them. I may be printed.

Mr. WASHBURNE moved to reconsider the give you credit for sincerity. We have met them, The proposed amendment was received inform vote by which the bill was passed; and also moved and warred against them just as honestly as you ally, and ordered to be printed.

that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the have combated for them. I think that your ar Mr. ANTHONY. I hope the other pending

table. guments, your declarations, your assertions, as amendment will also be printed at the same time.

The latter motion was agreed to. to what you meant to do if you got the reins of The PRESIDING OFFICER. To what amend

ENROLLED BILL. power, have done more to dissolve this Union ment does the Senator refer? ihan anything else. 'The Senator from Vermont Mr. ANTHONY. The amendment of the

Mr. GRANGER, from the Committee on Ensays, let us tell the truth. Let us tell it, sir. You Senator from Massachusetts. I move that it be

rolled Bills, reported that they had examined and have given Jefferson Davis and his men the only printed.

found truly enrolled a bill (S. No. 124) relating capital they had. They proclaimed that if you The motion was agreed to.

to highways in the county of Washington and

District of Columbia; when the Speaker signed got into power you meant to do certain things.

Mr. CHANDLER. I ask the consent of the

the same. You denied it. Upon your accession to power, Senate to take up a bill reported this morning contrary to my honest judgment, contrary to my

NEW MEMBER OF A COMMITTEE. from the Commiliec on Commerce. Since it was wish, they retired from this Chamber, they left reported, I have received a letter from the Secre

The SPEAKER announced that he had apyour halls of legislation, and they undertook to

tary of the Treasury, which I will send to the pointed Mr. Blair, of Pennsylvania, to fill the Bet up a miserable flag, upon which were the bars desk, and ask to have read.

vacancy in the Committee on Territories, caused and stiripes, instead of the stars and stripes.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Sen by the resignation of Mr. Bailey, of MassachuMr. President, let men say what they please,

ator from Massachusetts insist upon his motion? selts. let them impule what they please, I never intend The motion of the Senator from Michigan is not

HORACE M. HEISKELL. to live under the bars and stripes. I intend to

in order. There is a bill before the Senate not live either under the stars and stripes or under disposed of.

Mr. VERREE, from the Committee on Naval some forcign flag. I opposed them ihen. I was

Affairs, reported a bill for the relief of Horace M.

Mr. TRUMBULL. Before passing from the denounced by some of them as a very good south- || printing question, I wish to state that the Senator

Heiskell, a paymaster in the United States Navy; ern abolitionist. In councill warred against them,

which was read a first and second time, ordered from Vermont suggests to me that he would like when I was invited to their council. Against their

to be engrossed, and read a third time; and being to see the first section of this bill as it has been action I have uniformly warred, and I intend to amended in print. I move that the bill as it has

engrossed it was accordingly read the third time, war; but, sir, I ask you, do not dissipate the

and passed. been amended be printed. Then Senators will dreams of my childhood; do not telline that the see exactly how it stands at the present time.

SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. lesson I learned around the patriotic hearthstone The motion was agreed to. is a delusion and a lie ; do not tell me that when

Mr. ELY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to a privileged I heard my father and my kinsfolks talk of this

Mr. CHANDLER. I will state that the House question. When the vole was taken in this House as the greatest, the freest, and the happiest nation

of Representatives have passed to-day the iden on the bill emancipating slaves in the District of on earth, they were mistaken. Sir, by your le

tical bill to which I alluded, and it is very import- | Columbia, I was absent from my seat in consegislation you are teaching every man in the bor

ant that it should be acted on promptly. The quence of illness. If I had been present I would der States to think that you are prosecuting the

Committee on Commerce recommend an amend have voted in the affirmative. I now record my war, not for what they cherish and for what they

ment which I shall offer if the bill be taken up. I vote in the affirmative. can honestly fight this battle, the preservation of move now to take up the House bill to amend the

S. L. PHELPS,

ETC. the Union and the Constitution of the country, act of July last, in relation to the collection of

Mr. SEDGWICK, from the Committee on but for another object-universal emancipation; duties on imports.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The motion is Naval Affairs, made adverse reports in the fol. for which, if you are honest men, you cannot prosecute it a single hour or a single day justly,

not in order. There is a bill before the Senate at lowing cases; which were laid upon the table, and this moment.

ordered to be printed: but must bring down upon your heads not only the anathemas of the present, but the execration

Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I can say Petition of S.L. Phelps, lieutenant United States of the future. to the Senator from Michigan, that I understand

Navy; Here is my friend from Kentucky,[Mr. Davis,] there will be objection to the bill alluded to by

Petition of W. T. Smithson, assignee of W. who differs very widely from me, so far as De

him. I must therefore insist on my motion. B. Drafer, for compensation for services rendered mocracy is concerned; but I believe he has a com

Mr. CLARK. I desire to submit an amend the United States with the Japan expedition; and

Petition of T. A. Craven, commander United mon purpose at heart with me—the integrity of ment, which I shall propose to the substitute of the Union and the preservation of the Constituthe Senator from Vermont, and I move that it be

States Navy, for compensation for extra ser

vices. tion. Do not tell us that you deluded and de- || printed. ceived us in the promises you made when you

The proposed amendment was received, and

On motion of Mr. SEDGWICK, it was ordeclared that you would not interfere with our ordered to be printed.

dered that the Committee on Naval Affairs be disdomestic institutions, that you meant only this

Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. It is of very charged from the further consideration of the folwar for the preservation of the Union and the great importance that we have a brief executive lowing cases, and that they be laid upon the table: Constitution. Fight the battles that you are fightsession to-day. I therefore insist on the motion

Resolution of the House in relation to the esing for the preservation of the Union formed by

that the Senate proceed to the consideration of tablishment of a navy-yard and naval depot at our fathers, upon the only proper basis of a Union executive business.

Cape Girardeau, Missouri; of free men, of equal States, for the perpetuation

The motion was agreed to; and after some time

A communication in relation to the signal serof the Constitution which our fathers formed, and spent in executive session, the doors were re

vice; and we will go as far as he who goes furthest; but tell opened, and the Senate adjourned.

Resolution of the House in reference to the neus that, by some insidious trick, by some legisla

cessity of repealing the eighth section of the act live device, you mean to render it an occasion to

of Congress to further promote the efficiency of

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. destroy the freedom of the legislation and the in

the Navy, approved Decernber 21, 1861. dependence of the States, that you mean to as

FRIDAY, May 2, 1862.

STEAM LINE FROM CALIFORNIA TO CHINA. sume to yourselves what your fathers and ours

The House met at twelve o'clock, m. Prayer

On motion of Mr. SEDGWICK, it was ordered never meant you to have-the right to regulate by the Chaplain, Rev. Thomas H. Stockton.

that the Committee on Naval Affairs be discharged our domestic institutions; and while we will never The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.

from the further consideration of a memorial of raise a hand against the old flag, even though it

the Chamber of Commerce of San Francisco, Calbe borne by what we consider disunion hands in the North, we can only stand by and look on.

Mr. WASHBURNE. I ask unanimous con

ifornia, relative to the establishment of a steam Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts. I hope the sent to report from the Committee on Commerce

line from that city to China; and that the same vote will be taken on my motion to proceed to a bill supplementary to an act approved the 13th

be referred to the Committee on Commerce. the consideration of executive business. It is

of July, 1861, entitled “ An act for the collection COLONEL JOSEPH PADDOCK, ETC.

of duties on imports, and for other purposes.' very important to have a brief executive session.

Mr. FENTON, from the Committee of Claims, Mr. TRUMBULL. Before that motion is put,

There was no objection; and the bill was re

reported bills of the following lilles; which were I desire to present, with a view to have it printed, ceived, and read a first and second time. what I will offer as a substitute for the first sec

It is important that

severally read a first and second time, referred to tion of the original bill as it is now pending. The this bill should be passed at once, as will be seen

a Comınittee of the Whole House on the Private original bill was amended, on the motion of the by the letter of the Secretary of the Treasury,

Calendar, and, with the accompanying reports,

ordered to be printed: which I send to the Clerk's desk to be read. Sevator from Ohio, (Mr. SHERMAN,] by limiting

A bill for the relief of Colonel Joseph Paddock; the confiscation to classes of persons.

Thatamend.
The Clerk read, as tollows:

and ment has not been printed in the bill, and I think

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1862. A bill for the relief of the assistant surgeons, the language of it is a little awkward. There

Sır: The possession of New Orleans makes early action

medical cadets, sisters of charity, and servants, have been a great many criticisms on the first sec.

on the bill herewith transmitted highly important to the pub-
lic interest. It is a copy, with some moditications, of the

suflerers by the burning of the Washington In. tion of the bill. Gentleman have thought proper bill sent to the committee a few days since.

firmary on the night of the 3d November, 1861.

DUTIES ON IMPORTS.

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