be able very well to conduct the contracted affairs of a municipality, without having the education or expansion of mind necessary to enable him to form a sound opinion upon matters involving the dearest interests of the Empire. We shall concede at once that the members of the Manchester school are competent to the consideration of questions of local economy. They are quite able to look sharply after civic funds, and can detect, through a kind of instinct, any attempt at peculation. But put them in a higher sphere, and what do we find? They would rather see the country invaded, than pay for a standing army or maintain an effective militia. They are for cutting down everything which is expensive, irrespective altogether of its utility. They would rather see the Colonies abandoned, than incur any charge for the support of their establishments; and they are utterly indifferent to the national position or renown. They make idiots of themselves at peace congresses, talk trash about fraternity, and believe in their hearts that Free Trade is a nobler thing than Christianity. In short, they have simply the accomplishment of pedlars, and nothing more. They estimate literature and learning as they would measure tape; and consider a new taking pattern for a calico print as the highest achievement of the fine arts. These men are not of the stuff from which efficient legislators are made. They are entirely incapable of comprehending the duties of the trust which they seek; and it would indeed be a black day for Britain when the majority of the senate was composed of such narrow-minded chafferers.

Undoubtedly, had the Conservative tactics in the larger towns been wiser and more decided, the number of such men who are now pressing forward to Parliament would have been materially diminished. The great mistake lies in the apathy which prevails regarding the municipal elections-it being exceedingly difficult to find respectable Conservative candidates willing to offer themselves for seats at these council-boards. Some men will not take the trouble; others dislike the society to which they necessarily must be introduced; and some

-very foolishly, as we think-affect to undervalue the dignity. There may be something in the two first reasons; but we would beg our friends to remember, that, without some trouble and inconvenience, nothing in this world that is worth having can be gained. And surely it is a poor compliment, and, at the same time, a sad discouragement, to the few who manfully persevere in the attempt to maintain at least some appearance of Conservative representation at these boards, that others, who have their time even more at their own disposal, should shrink from undertaking what is actually a public duty. As for the last view, it is simply childish and absurd. To be a member of council implies an honourable trust, which any man, be his position what it may, should be proud to hold. In former days, for example, the provostship of the metropolis of Scotland was held by the first nobles of the land; and, though times have since altered, as well as the methods of election, it is a scandal and a disgrace to find our most eminent citizens recoiling from the management of municipal affairs, as if these were beneath their notice. We speak plainly, because we feel that this is just matter of reproach; and it is full time that the error which has prevailed for many years should be amended. Municipal institutions must exist, and municipal representatives have, in many ways, a vast deal in their power; in especial, their example and influence is most powerful on the occasion of any election. And yet what do we find, too generally, to be the case? Those citizens who from talent, education, position, and wealth, ought to take the lead in municipal affairs, are rarely members of the town councils. They might be elected if they chose to offer themselves, but they will not; and consequently, the trust devolves, in many cases, upon brawling demagogues of the coarsest stamp, or upon virulent Dissenters, who bid fair, in the process of time, to monopolise the whole of our municipal representation. Now, when it is considered that in Scotland some of the municipalities have large powers such as those of electing clergymen of the Established Church, and professors in the universities—

the importance of having men duly qualified to exercise such important functions, becomes at once apparent. Notwithstanding this-notwithstanding the exceedingly questionable exercise, on more than one occasion, of their patronage on the part of Dissenting majorities-both Conservatives and Whigs (we speak of the old respectable party) seem content to abandon the municipal field almost entirely to the Radicals and Seceders. We do not write this without a serious purpose. We think that now is the time, when the result of previous supineness is made apparent to them in more than one important place, to warn the Conservatives that, in hanging back from participation in municipal matters, they are, in fact, giving direct influence and political power to their most bitter and malignant adversaries. If proper men were found to discharge the civic offices, the democratic influence at urban elections would be most materially diminished. It is utterly preposterous to suppose that if men of education, character, and position, came forward as candidates for the civic representation, they would not, in the majority of instances, be preferred to the sorry specimens of administrative intellect who now constitute the majority of our civic councillors. We have no wish to dilate on this topic, which, perhaps, is rather foreign to our subject. It is, however, one of great importance, which the electors would do well to consider before the recurrence of another period of municipal change. We do not say broadly that the constitutional battle is to be fought at the civic polling-booths; but we do say this, that, by neglecting the latter, and by not assuming their fair share of municipal responsibility and action, the constitutional party are yearly losing ground in our cities and larger towns, and subjecting themselves to the recurrence of periodical political defeat.

In one other respect, those electors who wish well to the constitutional cause ought to take a lesson from the conduct of their opponents. The Radicals and Dissenters-we need hardly add, the Papists-are always upon the alert. They keep up their registrations, which the Conservatives do

not with anything like proper zeal—it being nothing unusual to find, on the eve of an election, that men who have possessed the necessary qualification for years, have never given themselves the trouble of applying to be placed on the roll. Not so is it with our opponents, who neglect no opportunity of adding to their electoral strength. On the occasion of an election, almost every man of them registers his vote; and further, they spare no trouble in the preliminary work of the canvass. They have a distinct object to gain, and they exert themselves as if the success depended upon the individual efforts of each. Whereas, among many of the Conservatives, there is a degree of apathy which is almost unaccountable. Some men cannot be brought to vote at all, either because they are actuated by whim, or are influenced by some personal considerations relating to the candidates. One man will not vote against a particular Liberal, because he has known him from his youth upwards. Another will not vote for a Conservative candidate, because he has had some squabble with him regarding railway matters. Another does not think that Lord Derby will get a working majority in the new Parliament, and therefore he declines to put his shoulder to the wheel. We need not comment upon the weakness, but we desire to point out the gross folly and miserable effects of such conduct. This is no ordinary crisis. Upon the success of Lord Derby depends the maintenance of Constitutional and Protestant principles in this country; and every vote which is withheld or thrown away adds to the chances of our adversaries. It is a scandalous thing that a Conservative voter, under any circumstances, should require persuasion to perform what is his manifest duty. If private considerations are to be allowed to interfere, when candidates are fairly in the field-if personal pique, or personal motives, are to be deemed more weighty than the claims of principle -if indolence and apathy are carried to such an extent that registered voters, of known opinions, will not take the trouble of even going to the poll-how can it be expected that the Government will be able to make head

Wher

against an active, fierce, and unscrupulous democracy? There is but one rule to be observed on such occasions as the present. Let no man calculate chances for himself, nor regulate his conduct according to his anticipations of the result of the contest. ever a Conservative candidate-one who will generally support the present Government, and uphold our Protestant institutions is in the field, let him have the cordial, strenuous, and early support of every Conservative voter. If, in the mind of any, there exist personal objections to a candidate, let these be generously waived, on the consideration that it is not the man, but the cause, that they are called upon to support. Any show of lukewarmness at such a time has the effect of damping the spirits and chilling the enthusiasm of the more ardent and energetic of the party; it inspires our opponents with confidence, and, in many cases, may materially contribute to their success. And now we have done. Late as the period is, we are not without hope that the observations which we have ventured to make may be useful in confirming the minds of some, and in opening the eyes of others, to the vast importance of the contest which is about to take place. We cannot overrate its magnitude. This is the grand struggle between Constitutional principle and Democratic ambition between Protestantism and Popery, now all the more dangerous, because we find it in intimate alliance with Liberalism and Infidelity-between

Nationality on the one side, and Cosmopolitanism on the other. We repeat, as we have said before, that, should Lord Derby fail in commanding a majority in the House of Commons, the return of the Whigs to power, in the same position and on the same principles as before, is absolutely impossible. We must, in that case, expect that all the parties who are at present using their utmost influence to obtain a return hostile to her Majesty's Ministers, will be represented in the next Cabinet; and should that event occur, it requires no prophet to foresee that the most reckless changes, and the most disastrous results, must inevitably occur. But we have little fear for the issue. If the Conservatives bestir themselves boldly and with becoming spirit

if the right-thinking men throughout the country who know the value of the blessings which they enjoy, and who are opposed to organic change, make their voices distinctly heardthey constitute a body more numerous and influential than that which is opposed to them, and which, even now, is making the most desperate exertions to obtain a majority in Parliament. Let us, on the other side, be resolute and active-let us comport ourselves as becomes the greatness and the dignity of our causeand most assuredly we shall be able to defeat that foul and unnational coalition which has dared to menace the integrity of Church and State, of the Protestant faith, and of the timehonoured institutions of the realm.