to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness; that on these principles, embodied in the Declaration of American Independence, the United Colonies, in 1776, dissolved the connection that bound them to the Government of Great Britain, and on them the Confederate States have severed the bonds of that political union which connected them with the people of the government of the United States of America, rather than submit to the repeated injuries inflicted upon them by that people, and to the usurpations of that government, all of which had the direct object to deprive them of their rights, rob them of their property, secured to them by constitutional guaranty, and to establish an absolute tyranny over these Resolved, That the Confederate States appealed to arms in defence of these rights and to establish these principles only after they had in vain conjured the people of the gov ernment of the United States, by all the ties of a common kindred, to discountenance and discontinue these injuries and usurpations, and after they had petitioned for redress, in the most appropriate terms, and received in answer only a repetition of insults and injuries, which foreshadowed States. usurpations still more dangerous to liberty. Resolved, That, after nearly four years of cruel, devas tating, and unnatural war, in which the people of the Confederate States have unquestionably established their capacity for self-government, and their ability to resist the attempts of the enemy to subjugate them, this Congress does not hesitate to avow its sincere desire for peace, and to that end proclaim to the world the readiness of the government of the Confederate States to open negotiations to establish a permanent and honorable peace between the Confederate States and the United States, upon the basis of the separate independence of the former. Resolved, That the time has come when the Confederate Congress, in the name of the people of the Confederate States, deem it proper again to proclaim to the world their unalterable determination to be free; and that they do not abate one jot of their high resolve to die freemen rather than live slaves; and, further, if the people of the United States, by re-electing Abraham Lincoln, mean to tender to them four years more of war or re-union with them on any terms, deeply deprecating the dire necessity so wautonly thrust upon them, and relying upon the justice of their cause and the gallantry of their soldiers, they accept the gauge of battle, and leave the result to the righteous arbi trament of Heaven. Resolved, That in view of the determination of the enemy to prosecute this horrid war still further, against which the Confederate States have at all times protested, and which the enemy have waged with extraordinary vigor, and which has been marked by acts of extraordinary atrocity, in violation of all the usages of civilized warfare, the Congress of the Confederate States will from this hour dedicate themselves anew to the great cause of self-defence against the combined tyranny of the enemy; that it shall no longer be the momentary occupation of the Congress and the people of the Confederate States, but the business of their lives, to gather together the entire s rength of the country in men and material of war, and put it forth, as with the will of one man, and with an unc nquerable determination to defend their altars and their firesides till the last votary of freedom falls around them. Mr. HENRY did not desire to discuss the resolutions at this time. He merely wished to have them printed and placed upon the calendar. At the proper time he trusted that Senators would express their sentiments on this question, and a spirit would go out to the country that we are fully up to the mark, and intend to achieve our independence or die in the good fight. first sounded they rushed to the defence of glorious Old Virginia, and they were always to be found where the battle raged the fiercest. He alluded to the peace propositions, and to the call for a convention of States. He believed a convention of the States impracticable at this time. A majority of the States would not send delegates to such a convention. His State had spoken out; she wanted no peace which did not bring independence with it. We Texans, who had been for four years battling for our liberties, would be satisfied with nothing short of independence. He did not question the patriotism of those who believed in any other association than that prescribed by the Constitution. We must keep our people united; that was the sure road to peace and independence. He did not deny that our people were depressed, but it was caused by the dispelling of the illusions of peace, by the triumphant march of Sherman through Georgia, and his capture of the city of Savannah. Mr. BROWN said that nothing had fallen so gratefully upon his ears as the heroic resolutions passed by the Legislature of the heroic State of Texas. He did not believe that we could get honesty and fair dealing from the Yankees until we had thrashed it into them. In his opinion we would have peace when we conquered it at the point of the bayonet and the mouth of the cannon. Mr. WIGFALL was at the seat of government of his State when these resolutions were introduced, and he informed the Senate that they expressed the sentiment of his people. The resolutions were ordered to be printed. JEFFERSON DAVIS ON STATE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE. RICHMOND, VA., November 17, 1864. To the Hons. Senators of Georgia-Messrs. A. R. Wright, (President Senate.) Y. L. Guerry, J. M. Chambers, Thomas E. Lloyd, Frederick K. West, Robert B. Nesbit : GENTLEMEN: I answered by telegraph this morning your letter of the 11th inst., as requested, and now respectfully comply with your desire that I should express my views on the subject to which you invite my attention. In forwarding to me the resolutions introduced into the House of Representatives of Georgia by Mr. Stephens, of Hancock, you state that you are not inclined to favor the passage of these or any similar resolutions, believing them to have a tendency to create divisions among ourselves, and to unite and strengthen our enemies, but that it is asserted in Milledgeville that I favor such action on the part of the States, and would be pleased to see Georgia cast her influ ence in that way. You are kind enough to say that if this be true, and if the passage of these or similar resolutions would in the slightest degree aid or assist me in bringing the war to a successful and speedy close, you will give them your earnest and hearty support. I return you my cordial thanks for this expression of confidence, but assure you that there is no truth in the asser tions which you mention, and I presume that you will al ready have seen by the closing part of my annual message, which must have reached you since the date of your letter, that I have not contemplated the use of any other agency tion of the Confederate States. in treating for peace than that established by the Constitu January 30-Mr. OLDHAM (Texas) offered a sries of resolutions, passed by the Legislature of Texas, declaring the determination of that That agency seems to me to be well adapted to its pur State to accept no terms of peace which did pose, and free from the injurious consequences that would not guarantee the independence of the Confed-follow any other means that have been suggested. eracy. Mr. OLDHAM said that he offered these resolutions, passed by the Legislature of his State, with peculiar satisfaction and pleasure. He referred briefly to the course pursued by one State since the commencement of this war. Her sons did not wait for the enemy to invade her borders; but when the tocsin of war was The objection to separate State action which you present in your letter, appears to be so conclusive as to admit no reply. The immediate and inevitable tendency of such of united counsels, to suggest to our enemies the possibility distinct action in each State is to create discordant instead of a dissolution of the Confederacy, and to encourage them, by the spectacle of our divisions, to more determined action against us. They would readily adopt the false idea that some of the States of the Confederacy are disposed to abandon their nance of our cause. sister States and make separate terms of peace for themselves, and if such a suspicion, however unfounded, were once engendered among our own people, it would be destructive of that spirit of mutual confidence and support which forms our chief reliance for success in the mainteWhen the proposal of separate State action was first mooted, it appeared to me so impracticable, so void of any promise of good, that I gave no heed to the proposal; but upon its adoption by citizens, whose position and ability give weight to the expression of their opinions, I was led to a serious consideration of the subject. My first impressions have not been changed by reflection. If all the States of the two hostile Federations are to meet in Convention, it is plain that such a meeting can only take place after an agreement as to the time, place, and terms on which they are to meet. Now, without discussing the minor although not trifling difficulties of agree ing as to time and place, it is certain that the States would never consent to a Convention without a previous agreement as to the terms on which they were to meet. The proposed Convention must meet on the basis either that no State should, against its own will, be bound by the decision of the Convention, or that it should be so bound. But it is plain that an agreement on the basis that no State should be bound, without its consent, by the result of the deliberations, would be an abandonment on the part of the North of the pretended right of coercion; would be an absolute recognition of the independence of the several States of the Confederacy; would be, in a word, so complete a concession of the rightfuluess of our cause that the most visionary cannot hope for such an agreement in advance of the meeting of a Convention. The only other possible basis of meeting is that each State should agree, beforehand, to be bound by the decision of the Convention, and such agreement is but another form of submission to Northern dominion, as we well know that in such a Convention we should be outnumbered nearly two to one. On the very threshold of the scheme proposed, therefore, we are met by an obstacle which cannot be removed. Is not the impracticable character of the project apparent? of sentiment existed, and when a long and bloody war had been brought to a triumphant close, it required two years to assemble a Convention and bring its deliberations to an end, and another year to procure the ratification of their labors. With such a war as the present in progress, the views of the large assemblage of negotiators proposed would undergo constant change, according to the vicissitude of the struggle, and the attempt to secure concordant views would soon be abandoned, and leave the parties more embittered than ever-less hopeful of the possibility of successful negotiation. Again, how is the difficulty resulting from the conflicting pretensions of the two belligerents in regard to several of the States to be overcome? Is it supposed that Virginia would enter into a convention with a delegation from what our enemies choose to term the "State" of "West Virginia," and thus recognize an insolent and violent dismemberment of her territory? Or would the United States consent that "West Virginia" should be deprived of her pretensions to equal rights, after having formally admitted her as a State, and allowed her to vote at a Presidential_election? Who would send a delegation from Louisiana, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri? The enemy claim to hold the governments of these States, while we assert them to be members of the Confederacy. Would delegates be received from both sides? If so, there would soon be a disruption of the Convention. If delegates are received from neither side, then a number of the States most vitally interested in the result would remain unrepresented, and what value could be attached to the mere representations of a body of negotiators under such circumstances? Various other considerations suggest themselves, but enough has been said to justify my conclusion that the proposal of separate State action is unwise, impracticable and offers no prospect of good to counterbalance its manifold injurious consequences to the cause of our country. Very respectfully, yours, &c., JEFFERSON DAVIS. CONVENTION OF THE STATES. In December, 1864, Mr. FOOTE of Tennessee, introduced two resolutions looking towards a You will observe that I leave entirely out of view the suggestion that a Convention of all the States of both Fed- conference of States. The first declares it unerations should be held by common consent without any patriotic for any of the rebel States to withprevious understanding as to the effect of its decisions-draw from the Confederacy, but allowable for should meet merely in debate and pass resolutions that are to bind no one. It is not supposed that this can really be the meaning attached to the proposal by those who are active in its support, although the resolutions to which you Invite my attention declare that the function of such a Convention would be simply to propose a plan of peace, with the consent of the two belligerents; or, in other words, to act as negotiators in treating for peace. them to confer in their sovereign capacity on the prosecut on of the war and the attainment of peace. The second is as follows: Resolved, That the present condition of the country is such as to render it eminently desirable that, for the purposes specified, a convention of these States, in their highest This part of the scheme is not intelligible to me. If the sovereign capacity, should be convoked without delay, Convention is only to be held with the consent of the two and that if such convocation should be judged for the belligerents, that consent cannot be obtained without nego- present impracticable, it would be desirable that each of tiation. The plan then would resolve itself into a scheme said States should, "with as little delay as possible," apthat the two Governments should negotiate an agreement point a limited number of commissioners with power to for the appointment of negotiators to make proposals for a confer freely and fraternally with each other touching the treaty. It seems much more prompt and simple to nego- present condition of the country, and of offering such adtiate for peace at once than to negotiate for the appoint-visory suggestions to said Confederate Government as might ment of negotiators, who are to meet without power to do anything but make proposals. If the Government of the United States is willing to make peace, it will treat for peace directly. If unwilling, it will refuse to consent to the Convention of States. The author of these resolutions and those who concur in his views appear to me to commit the radical error of supposing that the obstacle to obtaining the peace which we all desire consists in the difficulty of finding proper agencies for negotiating, so that the whole scope of the resolutions ends in nothing but suggesting that, if the enemy will treat, the best agency would be State Delegates to a Convention, whereas the whole and only obstacle is that the enemy will not treat at all, or entertain any other proposition than that we should submit to their yoke, acknowledge that we are criminals, and appeal to their mercy for pardon. After this statement of objections, it may appear superfluous to add others of less gravity; but as you invite a full expression of my views, I will add that history is replete with instances of the interminable difficulties and delays which attend the attempt to negotiate on great and conflicting interests, when the parties to the negotiation are numerous. If this has been the case where the parties possessed full powers to conclude a treaty, what can we hope from an assembly of negotiators from thirty or forty States, who, in the midst of an exasperating warfare, are to meet without power to conclude anything? In the history of our own country we find that in the time of profound peace, when the most cordial brotherhood be calculated to prove advantageous in the further prosecu tion of the existing war, or conducive to the establishment of an early and honorable peace. These resolutions were laid on the table by a vote of 63 to 13. Those who voted in the negative were: Messrs. Bell of Georgia, Boyce of South Carolina, Colyar of Tennessee, Cruickshank of Alabama, Foote of Tennes see, Fuller of North Carolina, Gilmer of North Carolina, Lumpkin of Georgia, J. M. Leach of North Carolina, Logan of North Carolina, McMullen of Virginia, Ramsay of North Carolina, Smith of North Carolina. THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 1864, November 7-Mr. MURRAY, of Tennessee, introduced the following joint resolution: The Congress of the Confederate States do resolve, That we have no sympathy with the efforts to establish a monarchy in Mexico, and that we will not, directly or indirectly, aid in the establishment of a monarchy on the Continent of America. Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 1865, January 30-Mr. DEJARNETTE, of Virginia, offered the following preamble and joint resolution, and the House suspended the five minute rule to allow him to speak to the merits | ment for the abolition of slavery. It will further be reof the resolution: Whereas all nations have seen with alarm the establishment of any formidable power in their vicinity; and Whereas the people of the Confederate States, as well as the people of the United States, have ever cherished the resolve that any further acquisition of territory in North America by any foreign power would be inconsistent with their prosperity and development; and Whereas the invasion of Mexico by France has resulted, as is alleged, in the establishment of a government founded on the consent of the governed; nevertheless, we have reasons to believe that ulterior designs are entertained against California and the Pacific States, which we do not regard as parties to the war now waged against us, as they have furnished neither men nor money for its prosecution: therefore The Congress of the Confederate States of America do resolve, That the time may not be distant when we will be prepared to unite, on the basis of the independence of the Confederate States, with those most interested in the vindication of the principles of the Monroe doctrine, for their mediation to the exclusion of all seeming violations of those principles on the continent of North America. for. membered that Mr. Lincoln declares that the only terms on Subsequently, however, an interview with Gen. Longstreet was asked for by Gen. Ord, commanding the enemy's army of the James, during which Gen. Longstreet was informed by him that there was a possibility of arriving at a Mr. DEJARNETTE said that if England and France saw that we intended to pursue the policy indicated in the resolution, they would give us all we wanted and more than we hoped satisfactory adjustment of the present unhappy difficulties, On motion of Mr. ATKINS, (Tenn.,) the pre-gired an interview on the subject, it would not be declined, by means of a military convention, and that if Gen. Lee de amble and resolution were referred to the Com- provided Gen. Lee had authority to act. This communica mittee on Foreign Affairs. tion was supposed to be the consequence of the suggestion above referred to, and Gen. Lee, according to instructions, wrote to Gen. Grant on the 2d of this month, proposing to meet him for conference on the subject, and stating that he was vested with the requisite authority. Gen. Grant's reply stated that he had no authority to accede to the proposed conference; that his powers extended only to making a convention on subjects purely of a military character, and that Gen. Ord could only have meant that an interview would not be refused on any subject of which he, Gen Grant, had the right to act. DAVIS'S LAST MESSAGE. Both Houses of the Rebel Congress had agreed to adjourn sine die, March 9th; but Mr. DAVIS requested them to remain in session a few days longer. On the 13th, he sent them a message on the state of the Confederacy, in which allusion is made to the perils surrounding it, and these recommendations are made: That means be devised for securing to the officers of the supply departments two millions of dollars in coin, to supply the Virginia and North Carolina armies for one year. That the impressment law be modified so as not to allow public officers to impress supplies without making payment of the valuation at the time of impressment. That more efficient revenue measures be passed; that more rigorous military bills be passed, and that a general militia law be enacted. Respecting the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, he used this language: I have heretofore, in a confidential message to the two Houses, stated the facts whieh induced me to consider it necessary that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus should be suspended. The conviction of the necessity of this measure has become deeper, as the events of the struggle have been developed. Congress has not concurred with me in opinion. It is my duty to say that the time has arrived when the suspension of the writ is not simply advisable and expedient, but almost indispensable to the successful conduct of the war. On Congress must rest the responsibility of declining to exercise a power conferred by the Constitution as a means of public safety to be used in periods of national peril resulting from foreign invasion. If our present circumstances are not such as were contenplated when this power was conferred, I confess myself at a loss to imagine any contingency in which this clause of the Constitution will not remain a dead letter. ON PEACE. It thus appears that neither with the Confederate anthorities, nor the authorities of any State, nor through the Commanding Generals, will the Government of the United States treat or make any terms or agreement whatever for the cessation of hostilities. There remains, then, for us no choice but to continue this contest to a final issne; for the people of the Confederacy can be but little known to him who supposes it possible they would ever consent to purchase, at the cost of degradation and slavery, permission to live in a country garrisoned by their own negroes, and governed by officers sent by the conqueror to rule over them. WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. 1865, January 20-Mr. J. M. LEACH, of N. C., offered the following: Resolved, That the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is one of the great bulwarks of freedom, and that it ought not to be suspended except in extreme cases where the public safety imperatively demands it; that the people of this Confederacy are united in a great struggle for lib erty, and that no exigency exists justifying its suspen sion. The resolution was lost by the following vote: YEAS-Messrs Anderson, Bell, Boyce, Branch, Clopton, Colyar, Cruickshank, Darden, Foster, Fuller, Garland, Gil mer, Lumpkin, J. M. Leach, J. T. Leach, Lester, Logan, Marshall, Miles, Murray, Orr, Ramsay, J. M. Smith, W. E Smith, Turner, Wickham-26. NAYS-Messrs. Aiken, Baldwin, Barksdale, Batson, Blanford, Baylor, Bradley, H. W. Bruce, Chrisman, Clark, Cluskey, Conrow, Dejarnette, Dupre, Ewing, Farrow, Gaither, Gholson, Goode, Gray, Hanley, Hatcher, Herbert, Hilton, Holder, Johnson, Keeble, Lyon, Machen, Moure, Norton, Perkins, Read, Russell, Sexton, Shewmake, Simp son, Snead, Staples, Triplett, Villere, Wilkes, Mr. Speaker Congress will remember that in the conference above referred to our commissioners were informed that the Gov-43. ernment of the United States would not enter into any agreement or treaty whatever with the Confederate States, nor with any single State; and that the only possible mode of obtaining peace was by laying down our arms, disbanding our forces, and yielding unconditional obedience to the laws of the United States, including those passed for the confiscation of our property, and the constitutional amend On motion of Mr. RUSSELL, of Va., it was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. 1864, December 24-The same resolution was negatived-yeas 31, nays 41, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Atkins, Ayer, Baldwin, Boyce, Branch, Clopton, Colyar, Cruickshank, Darden, Echols, Farrow, Foster, Gaither, Garland, Hanley, Herbert, Holden, Lumpkin, Lester, Marshall, Menees, Miles, Simpson, J. M. Smith, W. E. Smith, Smith, (Ala.,) Smith, (N. C.,) Wickham, Witherspoon-31. NAYS-Messrs. Aiken, Barksdale, Batson, Blanford, E. M. Bruce, H. W. Bruce, Chilton, Chrisman, Clark, Cluskey, Conrad, Conrow, Dickenson, Dupre, Elliott, Ewing, Funsten, Gholson, Goode, Hartridge, Hatcher, Holliday, Johnson, Keeble, Kenner, Lyon, Machen, Norton, Perkins, Pugh, Sexton, Showmake, Snead, Swan, Triplett, Vest, Villere, Welsh, Wilkes, Mr. Speaker-41. In November, 1864, Mr. Pool proposed these in the Senate: Resolved, That five commissioners be appointed by this General Assembly, to act with Commissioners from the other States of the Confederacy as a medium for negotiating a peace with the United States Resolved, That each of the other States of the Confederacy be requested to create a similar commission, with as little delay as practicable, and to co-operate with North Carolina in requesting of President I avis, in the name of these sovereign States, that he tender the United dium of these commissioners. Resolved, That the Governor make known to each of the other States of the Confederacy this action of the General Assembly of North Carolina, and endeavor to secure their 1865, March 15-The House passed a bill-States a condition for negotiating a peace through the meyeas 36, nays 32-suspending the privilege, but the Senate-yeas 6, nays 9-at first refused to concur, but subsequently passed it, as follows: Whereas the Confederate States are invaded, and the public safety requires a suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is hereby suspended until otherwise provided by law, in all cases of arrest or detention by order of the President, the Secretary of War, or the general officer commanding the Trans-Mississippi Military Department. SEC. 2. Until otherwise provided by law, the said privilege shall be suspended for sixty days from the time of arrest, in every case of arrest or detention by order of a general officer commanding an army, or a military depart ment or district. SEC. 3. Every such order shall be in writing, signed by the officer making the same, and shall name or describe the person to be arrested or detained. SEC. 4. No military officer, detaining a person by virtue of any such order, shall be compelled, in answer to any writ of habeas corpus, to appear in person, or to return the body of the person so detained; but upon his certificate, under oath, that such person is detained by him under such an order, accompanied with a copy of the order, further proceedings under the writ shall cease and remain suspended according to the provisions of the preceding sections. FINANCIAL. 1865, March 17-A law was enacted "to raise coin for the purpose of furnishing necessary supplies to the army," which imposes a tax of twenty-five per cent. on coin in the hands of individuals or banks in excess of $200, and authorizing in lieu thereof a loan from the banks, to the extent of $2,000,000, if made by the 17th of April. A supplementary act commuted this tax where the owners of coin would exchange it for cotton at the rate of fifteen cents per pouad. Before March 28, the State of Virginia advanced $300,000 in coin for the use of the Commissary Department, for which an order was signed by the rebel Secretary of the Treasury for 2,000,000 pounds of cotton, "with the right to export the same free of all conditions except the payment of the (export) duty of seventy-five cents per pound." About that time, William W. Crump, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, was sent to the banks of North and South Carolina and Georgia, to negotiate for their share of the loan. These facts are obtained from official documents found in Richmond, and published recently in the New York and other papers. GENERAL MILITIA LAW. co-operation. Resolved, That whenever any five States shall have responded by the appointment of commissioners, the Governor shall communicate the proceeding officially to President Davis, and request his prompt action upon the proposition. In December, resolutions were introduced recommending the appointment of a delegation from that body to represent all parts of the State, to proceed to Washington to secure terms of peace. Laid over. the Committee of the North Carolina LegislaThe following is the report of a majority of ture, to whom were referred a series of resolutions entitled "resolutions to initiate negotiations for an honorable peace :" The majority of the "joint select committee of the two Houses," to which were referred Senate resolutions No. 4, entitled "resolutions to initiate negotiations for an honorable peace," report the same back to the Senate without amendment, and recommend that they pass. The majority of the committee believe that while every effort is being made to increase and strengthen the army by the most severe drain upon the people, for men and means, these extreme requirements should be accompanied by some manifestations of an effort and desire to secure an honorable peace by all other legitimate measures. Commissioners heretofore tendered have been refused by the United States upon the pretext that their reception would imply a recognition of the Confederate Government, as preliminary, and that in case of a failure to agree upon a treaty such recognition would nevertheless stand. These commissioners on the part of the States, whose civil exist resolutions seek to remove this objection by appointing ence and authority have never been denied; but, at the same time, to make their tender and all powers dependent on the action and adoption of the President. It is not proposed that these commissioners derive any powers from the States, but only that they be tendered by the President for a peace conference, he giving to them such powers and instructions as he may deem necessary and proper. JOHN POOL, Chairman. A. C. COWLE. D. F. CALDWELL. 1865, January 11-In the House of Commons, Mr. SHARPE introduced the following resolutions: Resolved, That State sovereignty is the principle on which North Carolina and the other States withdrew from the United States Government; and, therefore, the States comPrising the Southern Confederacy are sovereigns, and that the Confederate Government is only the agent of the States, and subject to their control. Resolved, further, That the States in their sovereign capacity have the right to take up the question of peace or war, and settle it without consultation with the President of the Southern Confederacy or of the so-called United The general militia law recommended above States. is said to have been passed. CHANGE IN MR. DAVIS'S CABINET. On motion of Mr. CRAWFORD, of Rowan, these resolutions were laid on the table-ayes 52, Secretary of War-John C. Breckinridge ap-nay 50. pointed, January 6, 1865, in place of James A. Seddon, resigned. Peace Movements in the States. NORTH CAROLINA. Several resolutions on the subject of peace were offered. January 19-In the House of Commons, Mr. HANES submitted a preamble and resolution on the subject of a general convention of the Confederate States, the former attributing oppressive and unconstitutional laws, which have been passed from time to time. to irresponsible representatives from States which have no constit uents upon whom the laws passed by them can tirely opposed to the resolutions, I will consent to withdraw operate; the latter reading as follows: them. [Numerous objections to permit their withdrawal were made, and the expression dispose of them at once and forever" was repeated in various parts of the House.] Resolved, That the joint select Committee on Confederate Relations be instructed to frame and bring in a bill forthwith, calling a convention of the people of this State, or submitting the question to them, so as to enable them to assemble in convention should a majority of them desire to do so, for the purpose of so amending the Constitution as to provide that hereafter the representatives of any State or States whose territory is in the hands of the enemy, so that the Confederate laws cannot be enforced therein, shall not, during the continuance of such occupation by the en-gainst its indefinite postponement. His name cannot be emy, be permitted to vote upon any question of legislation, but shall have only such rights as are allowed to delegates in the territories of the Confederate States, and of considering such other amendments as said three States shall concur on suggestion. Resolved, further, That State sovereignty being the principle on which North Carolina and other States withdrew from the Federal Union, the States comprising the Southern Confederacy are sovereigns, and the Confederate Government is only their agent and subject to their control, and the States in their sovereign capacity in general convention assembled have a right to negotiate peace with the Government of the United States without consultation with the President of the Confederate States. Mr. HANES followed in a long argument in support of his resolutions, at the close of which, on motion of Mr. PERSON, they were laid upon the table-yeas 58, nays 39. Mr. SMITH, of Johnston, introduced a bill to call a convention of the people, which passed its first reading and was referred to the Judiciary Committee. It declares that the present condition of the country demands that the sovereign people of this State should assemble in convention to effect, if possible, an honorable termination of the present war, and provides that an election shall be held on the 13th of February, 1865, the vote to be "convention," or "no convention;" that if the majority of the votes cast be for the convention, such convention shall be held in the city of Raleigh on the second Monday of March, and consist of one hundred and twenty delegates. VIRGINIA. [From the Richmond Examiner, Jan. 13.] 1865, January 12-In the House of Delegates, Mr. MILLER introduced a long series of peace resolutions for the appointment of five commissioners, and to declare for an armistice, a national convention, and an honorable peace through State action. The following debate took place: Mr. TOMLIN moved to indefinitely postpone. Mr. MILLER. I would ask the yeas and nays on that motion. I hope the House will come to the record on this question. I do not commit the Ilouse in this proposition to the policy of reconstruction, to which I am opposed, as is to be seen by the resolutions. The question is an important one, and its discussion now was not contemplated. I think it would be more appropriate to consider it in secret session. Mr. PENDLETON. I hope the gentleman from King William [Mr. Tomlin] will modify his motion to the simple proposition to lay the preamble and resolution on the table. There are some things in the resolutions I am not prepared to vote against; such, for instance, as that which proposes to mitigate the horrors of war. But, at the same time, I denounce the cardinal objects of the resolutions as foreign to the honor, welfare, and dignity of Virginia, putting, as it does, the State in a revolutionary position, severing her connection from that of the Confederate States. The proposition is, in fact, that she secedes. Mr. MILLER. The gentleman is mistaken as to any such proposition being in them. Mr. PENDLETON. I would be glad, then, if the gentleman will state their meaning. To my mind they are firebrands, thrown into our midst at one of the closest and most critical periods of the war, and I denounce them as unworthy of Virginia; yet I prefer that they be laid upon the table, in order to see what in them is good and what evil, and to see if the good may not be put to some account, and the bad, which forms the spirit of them, and for which I denounce them, eliminated. Mr. MILLER. Upon conference with gentlemen not en Mr. ANDERSON. If this was the first movement of the kind which that gentleman [Mr. Miller] has made in this House, I would consent to let him withdraw his resolutious. But a year ago he threw a similar firebrand into this House; and when the motion was made to dispose of it, as is proposed to dispose of this, even the gentleman himself [Mr. Miller] did not have the hardihood to vote found, sir, on record against the postponement of his own proposition. What is his object now, after his first effort met with such a signal repulse that he himself shrank from resistance? These resolutions are similar and responsive to propositions which have been made in other States by the party which, under the cloak of peace, are attempting to destroy the Confederacy. Every man who, under the cloak of peace, comes forward with propositions of that kind, must be viewed as prepared to submit. Yes, sir, submit. For there can be no other terms. The Secretary of State of the United States has said that the South can only have pesce by laying down its arms; and as to this favorite proposition of State conventions, he, the United States Secret ry, has said, we cannot open communications with you, because we would sacrifice our position in regard to your doctrine of the su periority of state sovereignty over the Constitution of the United States. It is important to act promptly in this mat ter, and to give no countenance to this mischievous, and, I believe, treasonable party. The yeas and nays being called, the motion to indefinitely postpone was adopted. Yeas, 101; nays, 2-Messrs. Miller of Lee, and Smith of Russell. January 20-In the House of Delegates Mr. DOUGLAS offered the following joint resolutions: Resolved by the Senate and House of Delegates of Vir ginia in General Assembly convened, That the State of Virginia, having entered into the present contest with the ates to uphold and defend their rights and liberties from United States, and made common cause with the confeder a common danger, is ready and anxious for the return of peace whenever the same can be obtained on terms honorcalculated to secure for all time the precious objects for able and just alike to herself and them, and in a manner which we are contending. Resolved, That the Legislature, representing the senti ment of Virginia, desires the constitutional department of the confederate government to avail itself of every favora ble indication to negotiate for terms of peace: yet we solemnly deprecate any irregular action in the premises, either in the shape of a congressional commission, or other way, as revolutionary and dangerous in character, viola tive of the faith mutually pledged by the States to each other in the adoption of the confederate constitution, by distracting and dividing the minds of the people, to weaken our power of resistance, disintegrate these States, and place the people of this State especially at the mercy of the common enemy. Mr. MARSHALL moved that the rules be suspended in or der that the resolutions might be placed on the secret cal endar. He thought the resolutions should be considered in secret session. In reference to these resolutions he had something to say which he would not like to say in open session. Mr. DOUGLAS opposed the motion to place the resolutions on the secret calendar. Such a disposition of them would defeat the object which he had in view. He wished to see the resolutions adopted, and go forth as the views of this Legislature. He desired to put his heel on every irregular attempt to negotiate terms of peace either in the shape of a congressional commission, by separate State action, or otherwise. Such schemes, in his estimation, would lead to a disintegration of States and the overthrow of the govern ment which the people have instituted. Mr. ARMSTRONG thought it best that the resolutions should be considered in secret session. Mr. COLLIER was in favor of discussing the resolutions in open session. He wanted the people to know what their representatives were doing, and what were our opinions. The motion to suspend the rule with a view of transfer ring the resolutions to the secret calendar was disagreed to, and it was laid aside. January 26 In the House of Delegates, Mr. SMITH, of Russell, sent to the clerk's desk and caused to be read a series of resolutions deploring the war and looking to the attainment of peace by the arbitrament of diplomacy and negotiation, the sword having failed. The |