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of the stately toga, stiff with gold and embroidery Cic. Catil. 11 & 22 velis amictos non togis.

MAGNAEQUE CORONAE TANTUM ORBEN of gold and jewels App. Pun. 66. Gell. v 5 $8 5–7. Tert. de cor. 13 Etruscan crowns are of jewels and gold, in the form of oak leaves, and are worn by magistrates with the togae palmatae (so the toga picta is often called Rein in Pauly vı 2249). Mart. Vill 33 1 (thinness of the goldleaf in the praetoricia corona; hence Iuv. is spoaking ironically, when he says that the slave sweated under the burden). Beside this crown, the general wore a crown of laurel on his head Becker III 2 442.

40 QUANTO CERVIX NON SUFFICIT ULLA Stanley cites Paul: s. v. donaticae coronae p. 69 M. postea magnificentiae causa institutae sunt super modum aptarum capitibus. SUFFICIT a very common word in the silver age; used 23 times by Iuv.

41 SERVUS PUBLICUS those prisoners of war who were not sold by the state were retained in its service as servi publici ; or they were bought by the state or bequeathed to it. Their condition was better than that of private slaves (Wallon hist. de l'esclavage 111 59. 96. 98. 99), they were able to save money, and had free quarters found them by the censors. They served the magistrates as assistants to the accensi and apparitores, were employed in the census, in prisons, at executions, at sacrifices, in quarries, mines, waterworks etc.; they bought and sold on behalf the state Rein in Pauly vı 1102–4. Becker 11 2 383—4.

SUDANS HANC PUBLICUS Zon, VII 21 'a public slave rode in the chariot itself, holding over him the crown of jewels set in gold, and kept saying to him Look back, i.e. consider well thy past and future life, and be not elated by thy present state nor overweening in pride. And there hung from the chariot a bell and scourge, to signify that he might even be unfortunate, so as even to be outraged or even condemned to death. For the custom is that convicts sentenced to death for any crime bear a bell, that no one may contract defilement by brushing against them as they walk.' Plin. XXXIII $ 11 formerly in a triumph, cum corona auro Etrusca sustineretur a tergo, anulus tamen in digito ferreus erat aeque triumphantis et servi fortasse coronam sustinentis. On coins Victory generally supports the crown.

SIBI CONSUL NE PLACEAT VI 276. Mart. 1 72 6. v 57 1. VII 76 5. IV 59 5 ne tibi regali placeas, Cleopatra, sepulcro. Flor, 11 8=I 24 § 12 ne sibi placeant Athenae. Cypr. de domin. orat. 6 cum sibi pharisaeus placeret. cf. ind. Several exx. in Rönsch das neue Test. Tertullians Leipz. 1871 656—7, who cites sibiplacentia the translation of aútapéo kela in Iren. III 2 & 2. called PRAETOR ver. 36; either magistrate might preside over the games, but the contrast is more glaring between consul and servus. So the avia or matertera of Pers. II 31 is nutrix in 39.


85 like those who stand over triumphing generals from behind, and remind them that they are men.' Tert. apol. 33 hominem se esse etiam triumphans in illo sublimissimo curru admonetur. suggeritur enim ei a tergo : respice post te; hominem memento te. and he exults the more because his glory is so great as to require such an admonition.' Hieron. ep. 39 Vall.=25 ad Paullam super obitu Blaesillae $ 2 fin. 'to lower his pride in revelations (2 Cor. 12 9) a certain monitor of human frailty is assigned to him, in similitudinem triumphantium, quibus in curru retro comes adhaerebat per singulas acclamationes civium, dicens hominem te esse memento. This is much better evidence



than that of Ael. v. h. 15 for the slave of Philip of Macedon, whose business it was three times in the morning to remind him that he was a man: this was after the victory of Chaeronea. Isidor. XVIII 2 $ 6 makes of the slave an executioner, but his interpretation is just, ut ad tantum fastigium evecti mediocritatis humanae commonerentur. As the triumph was the utmost goal of Roman ambition (ver. 133–140), he who attained it was in danger of overweening pride üßpus, and might provoke the evil eye of envy and the jealousy of heaven Plut. Aemil. Paul. 34 § 6. 35. Tert. de virg. vel. 15 among the gentiles also there is something to be feared, which they call fascinum, the unhappy issue of excessive praise and glory,' infeliciorem laudis et gloriae enormioris eventum. As children wore amulets in the bullae (v 164 n.), so the general in the hour of his glory and danger was under their protection. Plin. h. n. XXVIII § 39 illos (children] religione muta tutatur et fascinus, imperatorum quoque, non solum infantium custos, qui deus inter sacra Romana a Vestalibus colitur et currus triumphantium sub his pendens defendit medicus invidiae, iubetque eosdem respicere similis medicina linguae [Jahn confesses that he does not understand this: it seems to mean the voice of the slave, which resembled in its remedial effects the sight of the fascinus hanging behind the triumphant general, to which it called his attention), ut sit exorata a tergo Fortuna gloriae carnifex. See 0. Jahn 'on the superstition of the evil eye amongst the ancients' Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 17 Febr. 1855 p. 73. Iuv. vii 112 n. Macr. 16 $ 8 says that the bulla was gestamen triumphantium and was filled with remedies supposed to be adversus invidiam valentissima. The same feeling dictated the use of the iron ring (see on 39), the jeering trochaics sung by the troops, and probably the custom, which reminds us of the devotees of the Lateran chapel S. Salvatore delle Scale sante, observed by Caesar and Claudius (Dio XLIII 21 & 2. Lx 23 § 1), who went up the steps of the Capitol on their knees. cf. Petron. 123 239—40 of Pompeius quem ter ovantem | Iuppiter horruerat. On the jealousy of the gods see Blomf. gloss. Aesch. Pers. 368. Agam. 921. Gesner opusc. III 336. Wess, ad Hdt. I 32 § 5. Valck. ib. III 40 $7. Nägelsb. homer. Theol. 33. 131. nachhomer. Theol. 46–52. 478 n. 7. Lehrs 'Greek conception of the jealousy of the gods and human pride in his populäre Aufsätze, Leipz. 1856, 33–66. Limburg Brouwer hist. de la civilisation vii 102—7. viii 30–34. Lexx. under βασκανία. μεγαίρω. νέμεσις. ύβρις. φθόνος. The fall of Troy avenged the üßpus of Paris, Salamis and Plataeae that of Xerxes. Compare the stories of Arachne, Kapaneus, Croesus, Marsyas, Midas, Niobe, Polykrates.

43 DA NUNC ET VOLUCREM cf. the use of adde (quod) in Quintil.

VOLUCREM, SCEPTRO QUAE SURGIT EBURNO DH. 111 61 (who derives it from the Etruscans)a sceptre with an eagle on the top.' id. v 47. App. Pun. 66 says that the general also carried laurel. In later times the consuls bore this sceptre Prud. c. Symm. I 349. peristeph. 148–150 a quila ex eburna sumit arrogantiam | gestator eius ac superbit beluae | inflatus osse, cui figura est alitis. Ammian. XXIX 2 & 15 consulares post scipiones. Claud. cons. Probin. 205. laud. Stil. 11 362—3. Vopisc. Aurelian. 13 & 4. The sceptre appears on coins and diptychs Becker 11 3 243; see the cut in Rich s. v. sceptrum n. 4. The eagle is the symbol of apotheosis cf. Isid., XVIII 2 8 5 quod per victoriam quasi ad supernam magnitudinem accederent.

44 CORNICINES III 34 not only hornblowers, but a chorus of harpers and pipers, marching in time, with song and dance App. Pun. 66. Plut. Aemil. Paul. 33 & 1 speaks of trumpeters sounding the charge.

44–5 HINC PRAECEDENTIA AGMINIS OFFICIA ET NIVEOS AD FRENA QUIRITES the train of clients in their best white togas i 46 n. 111 127 n. VII 142—3 n. togati ante pedes. Sen. de morte Claud. 3 & 4 Clotho says I will not send Claudius without an escort: for it is not fit that he, qui modo se tot milia hominum sequentia videbat, tot praecedentia, tot circumfusa, subito solum destitui.

45 OFFICIA 111 129 n. Officium is a compliment, a duty of ceremony and respect; here it is used, abstract for concrete, for those who escort the great man to do him honour, a guard of honour, an escort. cf. i 34 n. where add civitas, vicinitas. VIII 104 n. x 100 n. custodiae, excubiae, matrimonia, ministerium, operae, remigium, auxilium, dignitas, honestas, vigiliae, servitia. Drak. and Gron. on Liv. 111 15 § 9. Zumpt § 675. Ramshorn pp. 955–6. Reisig-Haase 131–2. So in Quintil. initia and profectus for the lower and upper forms in a school. VM. IL 7 $ 5 duobus acerrimis odiis latera sua cingere. Sall. Catil. 14 & 1. omnium flagitiorum atque facinorum circa se tamquam stipatorum. catervas habebat. We have the sing. in Cic. Brut. § 220. Iuv. vi 203 labente officio. Suet. Ner. 28 celeberrimo officio deductum. Lamprid. Comm. 11 § 3 praef. praet. suum Iulianum togatum praesente officio suo in piscinam detrusit. The genitive agminis makes our passage less harsh than these. Suet. Caes. 71 inter officia prosequentium fascesque lictorum.

NIVEOS Calpurn. vii 29 nivei tribuni. Mart. II 29 4 et toga non tactas vincere iussa nives. viii 65 5–6 hic lauru redimita comas et candida cultu | Roma salutavit voce manuque ducem.

I 55 14 vivat et urbanis albus in officiis. Plut. Paul. Aem. 32 2. Lips. elect. 1 13.

AD FRENA the praetor. himself held the reins VM. iv. 4 § 5 those hands which had lately guided the yokes of ploughing oxen, now triumphalis currus habenas retiruerunt; nor did they blush to lay down the ivory sceptre and resume the plough handle.' Suet. Cal. 26 Gaius (Caligula) allowed some senators, who had filled the highest offices of state, ad essedum sibi currere togatos per aliquot passuum milia. Capitol. Anton. phil. 16 § 2 ipse imperator filio ad triumphalem currum in circo pedes cucurrit. Aen. X 253 biiugique ad frena leones means lions yoked to the car.

QUIRITES 111 60 n. So the Romans rescued from captivity escorted their deliverer’s triumphal car with the pileum on their head (Plut. apophth. Scip. mai. 7. apophth. T. Quinctii 2. pp. 196—7. Liv. xxx 45 $ 5. XXXVIII 55 $ 2) and in the toga Tert. de res. carn. 57. Plaut. Cas. 11 8 10.

46 DEFOSSA “ buried,' stowed safe away.' Cypr. ad Donat. 12 argenti et auri maximum pondus et pecuniarum ingentium vel extructi aggeres vel defossae strues.

LOCULIS cash-box of the clients I 89 n.

SPORTULA the dole, 25 asses i 95 n.

QUOS SPORTULA FECIT AMICOS v 12—-23. 161–173. Mart. 1x 14 Do you think that he is a stedfast friend, whom you have bonght with a dinner? Your boar he loves, your mullets, sow's paunch, oysters, not yourself: if I dine as well, he will be my friend. 47 TUM QUOQUE even in that age of primitive plainness B.C. 460—357. Curt. vi 5=16 S 17 incolae autem, ritu ferarum virgulta subire soliti, tum quoque intraverant saltum.

MATERIAM RISUS the same constr. Cic. de or. ii § 262 dixi ... gravium... et iocorum unam esse materiam. Elsewhere mat. ad ib. § 239 est etiam deformitatis et corporis vitiorum satis bella materies ad iocandum. or with dat. Mart. I 4 4 materiam dictis [=jests] nec pudet esse ducem.

48 CUIUS PRUDENTIA see his remains in Mullach fragm. philos. gr. 1 330—382 (authorities for his birthplace 330 n. 2). DL. IX SS 46 to 49 enumerates JUV. II.


120 n.

60 of his works, moral, physical, mathematical, musical and miscellaneous. Aristotle, a kindred genius, who often names him, wrote 2 books of problems from his works DL. v § 26. Epicurus borrowed his atomio Theory Cic. d. n. 1 $ 120. Lucr. III 371 = v 622 Democriti... sancta viri sententia. Cf. Orelli onomast. Tullian.

49 SUMMOS POSSE VIROS VERVECUM IN PATRIA NASCI Abdera was also the birthplace of Protagoras, of the philosophers Leukippos (? DL. IX $ 30) and Anaxar. chos, the historians Hekataeos and Diokleides, the epic poet Nikaenetos; so Boeotia of Pindar, Epaminondas, Plutarch etc. Apul. de mag. 24 Hild. apud socordissimos Scythas Anacharsis sapiens natus est. 50 VERVECUM IN PATRIA CRASSOQUE SUB AERE on the effect of climate on character see Wess. and Valck. on Hdt. Ix 122. Gatak, on Antonin. IV 39. Rigault on Phaedr. 111 prol. 52 seq. (11 224–5 ed, Burm. 1718). Hippocr. airs, waters and places 24 (1 220-1 Adams) · Such as inhabit a country which is mountainous, rugged, elevated and well-watered,.

... are likely... to be naturally of an enterprising and warlike disposition ; but such as dwell in places which are low-lying, abounding in meadows and illventilated, ... these are not likely to be of large stature nor well-proportioned, but are of a broad make, fleshy; courage and laborious enterprise are not naturally in them. In general you will find the forms and dispositions of mankind to correspond with the nature of the country; for where the land is fertile, soft and well-watered, there the men .... are not disposed to endure labour, and, for the most part, are base in spirit; indolence and sluggishness are visible in them, and to the arts they are dull and not clever nor acute.' Aristot. pol. VII 7. Curt. VIII 9=31 g 20. Ael, v. h. VIII 6 (of Thrace. cf. Phaedr. 1. c.).

VERVECUM IN PATRIA vervex (Ital. berbice, Fr. brebis, from the form berbex; also Fr. berger) "a wether;' here a blockhead' (so Germ. Schöps, Engl. "sheep,' «sheepheaded'). Plaut. merc. III 3 6 itane vero, vervex, intro eas ?" id. Casin. 111 2 5.' Sen. de const. sap. 17 § 1 Chrysippus says some one was angry, because a man had called him vervecem marinum. Petron. 57 quid rides, vervex? Taubm. on Plaut. Pers. II 2 2. Aristoph. Plut. 922 calls life without conversation poßarlov Blov cf. schol. Diogenes in DL. VI § 47 calls a rich ignoramus a sheep with a 'golden fleece.' Aristot. h. n. ix 3 § 2 p. 610 b 22 'sheep are, as they are reputed, naturally simple and stupid. prov. in Macar. v 8 n. μωρότερος προβάτου. .

CRASSO SUB AERE Cic. de fat. S 7 Athenis tenue caelum, ex quo acutiores etiam putantur Attici [Eur. Med. 829), crassum Thebis, itaque pingues Thebani. Hor. ep. 11 1 244 Schmid Boeotum in crasso iurares a ere natum. crassus is of the same root as gross. The spurious letters of Hippokrates and Democritus speak of the proverbial dulness of the men of Abdera, but there is no earlier evidence of the reproach than Cic. d. n. I § 120 quae quidem omnia sunt patria Democriti quam Democrito digniora. id. ad Att. Iv 16 & 6. VII 7 § 4 'AbonPIT!Kby. Mart. x 25 4 Abderitanae pectora plebis habes. Galen. de animi moribus ad fin. vIII 822 K. ‘among the Scythians there arose one philosopher, at Athens many; on the other hand at Abdera there are many fools, but few at Athens.' Tatian ad graec. 17 =28 “as regards the sympathies and antipathies of Democritus, what can we say, except this, that, as the proverb has it, 'Αβδηρολόγος εστίν ο από των 'Αβδήρων άνOpwtros, Abderite by birth, Abderite in speech?' Arnob. v 12 of Ag. destis, from whose blood a pomegranate was fabled to have sprung, 'O Abdera, Abdera, what occasion for jeers wouldst thou give the world, if such a fable, so imagined, were found in thee! All fathers tell it and

haughty populations read it through, and yet it is thou who art judged to be fatua et stoliditatis frigidissimae.' Tim. lex. Plat. aitwveveo bal. Theodul. in Boisson, anecd. II 206. In the piloyéws of Hierokles and Philagrios, ed. Boisson. Par. 1848 pp. 289_292 are 18 jests at the expense of Abderites e. g. 111 An ass spilt all the oil in the gymnasium : the people brought all the asses in the town together, that they might take warning by his punishment. 112 An Abderite would have hung himself ; the cord breaking, he fell down and broke his head. He went to the surgeon, clapped a plaster on the wound and hung himself again. 120 An Abderite, hearing that leeks and onions are 'windy' (flatulent), being on a voyage, in a dead calm, filled a bag with them and hung it at the stern, 122 An Abderite sold a pot without ears. Being asked why he took off the ears, he replied : that it might not run away, on hearing that it was to be sold.' Cf. K. Fr. Hermann hist. of Abdera in his gesam. melte Abhandlungen, Göttingen 1849, 105–8. 370_1. The cases of delirium reported by Hippokr. epideni. III and Lucian. quom, conscr. hist. 1, have no connexion with our proverb. 51 NECNON ET III 204 n. Ramshorn p. 818, who has exx. from Verg. Calpurn. Nemesian. Quintil.

RIDEBAT GAUDIA VULGI Stat. s. II 2 129—132 nos, vilis turba, caducis | deservire bonis semperque optare parati | spargimur in casus. celsa tu mentis ab arce | despicis errantes humana que gaudia rides. cf. Lucr. 11 7–16. 53 FORTUNAE MANDARET LAQUEUM 'bid her go hang. Apul. m. IX 36 .maddened to the extremity of frenzy, shouting aloud that he bid all of them and the very laws go hang, suspendium sese et totis illis et ipsis legibus mandare.' Plaut. Pers. v 2 34 restim tu tibi cape crassum et suspende te. Lucian. Timon 45 ópeças Tòv Bpóxov. cf. oiuŠELV κελεύω. ές κόρακας. Böttiger cites Lucian gall. 19 ουκ απάγξει ;

MEDIUMQUE OSTENDERET UNGUEM Schol. infami digito [Pers. II 33) ei turpiter insultabat. Mart. 11 28 1—2 rideto multum qui te, Sextille, cinaedum dixerit, et digitum porrigito medium. 70 5–6 ostendit digitum, sed impudicum | Alconti Dasioque Symmachoque. cf. Priap. 56 1–2 = Meyer anthol. 1671. Arrian Epict. III 2 $ 11 Diogenes exposed a sophist by stretching out the middle finger; and when he broke out into a fury, said : • There you see the man; I have shewn him to you.' It was a gesture worthy of a cynic: some strangers asking to see Demosthenes (DL. VI 34) Diogenes held out his middle finger and said “There you have the famous orator of the Athenians.' Again (§ 35) he said that a finger made all the difference between madness and sanity with most men: hold out the middle finger, and they will think you mad; but not if you hold out the index finger. DChrys. 33 11 18 R. 'what would a man think of a city, where all held out the middle finger in pointing, in shaking hands, in holding up the hands, in elections, in passing sentence? .... these are the things which have given your enemies occasion to reproach yo11. To shoot out the middle finger from the clenched fist, in shape of I hallus, at a man, was to taunt him in the most injurious manner, as a pathic. Hence the gr. name for this finger was katatúywv Phot. s. v. Poll. I 184 καταπυγής. In Lat. verpus, gloss. 8. v. verpus and opilos (cf. schol. Iuy. II 95). Such an affront caused Chaerea to plot against Gaius (Caligula Suet. 56). Like many obscene gestures, this was regarded as à defence against the evil eye, 0. Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 17 Febr. 1855, 82, who cites Echtermeyer über Namen und symbolische Bedeutung der Finger ben den Griechen u. Römern, Halle 1835, 21 seq.


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