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The correct form i-tta) is often corrupted. ORBI 93 n. Hor. ep. 1 1 78 Obbar. Sen. ben, 1 14 8 3 ille accepit,...sed cuius senectus et libera orbitas magna promittebat. mihi plus dedit, quamvis idem dederit, quia sine spe recipiendi dedit. Tac. III 22 Lepida, cui super Aemiliorum decus L. Sulla et Cn. Pompeius proavi erant, defertur simulavisse partum ex P. Quirinio divite atque orbo. ib. 23 she entered the theatre of Pompeius her ancestor with other noble ladies, and so moved the audience, that bursting into tears saeva et detestanda Quirinio clamitarent, cuius senectae atque orbitati et obscurissimae domui destinata quondam uxor L. Caesari ac divo Augusto nurus dederetur. ib. 25 proposal to mitigate the severity of the laws by which Augustus had sought to restrain celibacy. nec ideo (because of the laws) coniugia et educationes liberum frequentabantur, praevalida orbitate. Epikt. diss. iv 1 SS 145–8. Lucian dial, mort. 9. 100 FIXIS the fall of votive offerings an evil omen Luc. I 557. Stat. Th. IV 332 333.

LIBELLIS 27. x 55. Suet. Cal. 14 Casaubon ut vero in adversam valetudinem incidit, pernoctantibus cunctis circa Palatium, non defuerunt, qui pugnaturos se armis pro salute aegri, quique capita sua titulo proposito voverent. Caligula on his recovery enforced the fulfilment of these vows 27. DCass. LIX 8 § 3 names P. Afranius Potitus as swearing that he would die, if but Gaius might recover, and Atanius Secundus a knight as engaging to fight as gladiator, in hope of a reward from Gaius, ùs kal årtly uxol o åtobaveiv ¢0/noavtes. Suet. Cal. 15 Casaubon the common close of all oaths neque me liberosque meos cariores habeo quam Gaium habeo et sorores eius. Mart. XII 90 pro sene, sed clare, votum Maro fecit amico, , cui gravis et fervens hemitritaeus erat, / si Stygias aeger non esset missus ad umbras, ut caderet magno victima grata Iovi./ coeperunt medici certam spondere salutem. I ne votum solvat, nunc Maro vota facit. Lucian dial. mort. 5 1 Pluto: “You know the old man, the

Very very old man I mean, the rich Eukrates, who has no children, but 50,000 who hunt for his fortune?' Hermes: “Yes, him of Sikyon you mean. What of him?' Pl. 'Hermes, if it can be managed, let him live, over and above the 90 years he has lived already, as many more, or even more than that: but his flatterers, young Charinos and Damon and the rest, draw down to the grave one after another.' H. • That would seem strange.' Pl. • Nay, you could not do a juster thing: for what has come to them that they pray for his death, or claim his money though no way related to him?" and the most detestable thing of all is that though they pray thuς όμως θεραπεύουσιν έν γε το φανερό και νοσούντος & μεν βούλονται, πάσι πρόδηλα, θύσειν δε όμως υπισχνούνται ήν ραΐση.'

101 PORTICUS of Gallitta or Pacius. TOMBEN Ath. 3d after his victory at Knidos and fortification of the Piraeus, Konon ofered τω όντι και ου ψευδωνύμως a hecatomb and feasted all the Athenians. Marius vowed a hecatomb to the gods, if they would grant him victory over the Cimbri Plut. 26 § 3. B.c. 217 300 oxen were vowed to Iuppiter Liv. XXII 10 8 7. Philo legat. 11 598 M when Isidore charged the Jews with not sacrificing for Gaius, they replied that they offered hecatombs for him, and did not, as most, merely pour the blood of the victim on the altar and eat the meat, but burnt the entire flesh, Stat. 8. 11 7 16–18 on Lucan's birthday centum Thespiacis odora lucis | stent altaria victimaeque centum quas Dirce lavat aut alit Cithae

Philostr. soph, 11 1 § 5 the father of Herodes Atticus often offered a hecatomb of oxen to Athene. Capitolin. Max. et Balb. 11 Balbinus



was so overjoyed, that he offered a hecatomb, as soon as the head of Maximinus was brought to him. hecatombe autem tale sacrificium est. centum arae uno in loco caespiticiae extruuntur et ad eas centum sues centum oves mactantur. nam si imperatorium sacrificium sit, centum leones centum aquilae et cetera huiusmodi animalia centena feriuntur. quod quidem etiam Graeci quondam fecisse dicuntur, cum pestilentia laborarent, et a multis imperatoribus id celebratum constat. cf. id. Maximini 24. Treb. Poll. Gallien. 9 confecto itinere celebratisque hecatombis. Vopisc. Tac. 12 the senators were so overjoyed on recovering the right of election to the throne ut et supplicationes decernerentur et hecatombe promitteretur. Porphyr. ep. ad Marcell. 14 (and in almost the same words Demophil. sent. Pythag. 44 in Orelli opusc. sent. 1 42) 'the lover of pleasure, though he slay hecatombs, and adorn the temples with countless offerings, is impious and godless and in intention sacrilegious. Jewish exx. 1 k. 8 5 and 63 seq. 2 chr. 29 32 seq. 30 24. 35 7 seq. Grecian Hdt. VII 43. Xen. h. g. VI 4 S 29. cf. Soph. Tr. 762. Strabo 362.

102 QUATENUS they vow a hecatomb (not indeed of elephants), since. Plin. ep. III 7 § 14 quatenus nobis denegatur diu vivere, relinquamus aliquid, quo nos vixisse testemur. So Hor. s. 11 64 Heind. Ov. m. VIII 786. XIV 40. Quintil. Suet. Cl. 26 Oud. Tac. Plin. ep. 17 § 5. Flor, etc. in Hermas sim. v 5=éTELOM. Arnob. vir 16 quodsi animantium cruore honorari et adfici superorum animos existimatis, cur non eis et mulos et elephantos mactatis? Ptolemy Philopator having offered four elephants for his victory over Antiochus, alarming dreams threatened him with divine vengeance for so strange a sacrifice; he made amends by setting up four elephants in bronze (Iuba in Plut. 11 972who has many wonderful stories of elephants. See ind, ed. Didot). Philo de animal. 27 elephants sent to Germanicus, trained to act a feast, drunkenness etc. 28 one taught to write • I myself wrote this.' 89 that Aiax, an elephant at Antioch, fell mad when deprived of the supreme rank, is past belief: he may have been more daintily fed and so jealousy may have sprung up.

NEC... NEC partitively used, after the general non Hand Turs. IV 131. Zumpt $ 754. Cic. p. Mur. § 61. Liv. praef. § 11. § 12. 36 § 3. 11 49 $ 3. Aen. Ix 426 427 nihil iste nec ausus , nec potuit. id. ecl. 5 25 Forbiger. Sen. const. sap. 9 § 2 of the sage nescit nec in spem nec in metum vivere. cons. Helv. 8 § 4 mundus hic quo nihil nəque maius neque ornatius rerum natura genuit. We should expect nec venales, nec concepti, but the construction is varied cf. Hdt. IX 3 άμα μεν υπ' αγνωμοσύνης, άμα δε πυρσοίσι διά νήσων έδόκεε (for δοκούντι). id. 1 14 8 1. 19 Kruger. 85 8 1 άλλα τε επιφραζόμενος και δη και...επεπόμφεε. . VIII 54 Krüger. 116 aloyhoavtes ... & yéveTO. IX 5 eite de dedeyuévos...elte... Ėávdave. 104. Matthiä $ 631 4. Krüger $ 59. Kühner Gr. Gr. 112 657. Schäfer Dem. app. cr. 11 75. on the form L. Müller de re metrica 390.

103 SIDERE Plin. pan. 12 eo ipso tempore,...cum ferae gentes non telis magis quam suo

relo, suo siderē armantur. 15 diversam aquarum caeliq temperiem ut patrios fontes patriumque sidus ferre consuesti. 29.

104 CONCIPITUR otherwise Colum. III 8 § 3 India perhibetur molibus ferarum mirabilis : pari tamen in hac terra vastitate beluas progenerari quis neget? cum intra moenia nostra natos animad. vertamus elephantos. Elephants do not breed in captivity, as Iuv. accurately says; that an elephant, taken pregnant, will bear for that time, is true, but Colum. must have meant more. Plin. viii $ 27 circa

I 26


coitus maxime efferantur et stabula Indorum dentibus sternunt. quapropter arcent eos coitu feminarumque pecuaria separant.

FURVA GENTE XI 124 125 elephant's teeth, quos mittit porta Syenes | et Mauri celeres et Mauro obscurior Indus. Plin. vi § 10. Flor. II 34=iv 12 & 62 of embassies to Augustus Seres etiam habitantesque sub ipso sole Indi, cum gemmis et margaritis elephantos quoque inter munera trahentes, nihil magis quam longinquitatem viae inputabant, quadriennium inpleverant; et iam ipse hominum color ab alio venire caelo fatebatur. Friedländer 14 48. For the abl. cf. Hor. epod. 11 10 latere petitus imo spiritus. see lexx. under promo (Verg. Hor. Tac.).

105 ARBORIBUS RUTULIS ET TURNI PASCITUR AGRO I 162. VI 637. Turnus was king of Ardea among the Rutuli. Here then were stables for the elephants which the emperors kept for exhibition in the theatre and amphitheatre. As the poets (Prop. V=IV 7 82. Mart. IV 62.

VIII 28 12. Sil. XII 229 230 quale micat semperque novum est, quod Tiburis aura | pascit ebur) state that faded ivory regained its whiteness by exposure to the air at Tibur, Vales. infers, perhaps hastily, that elephants were kept there also. 106 CAESARIS IV 135 Caesar. Ios. ant. VIII 6 § 2, who compares Pharaoh as a dynastic title with Ptolemy and Caesar. CAESARIS ARMENTUM IV 50—52 non dubitaturi fugitivum dicere piscem ! depastumque diu vivaria Caesaris, inde | elapsum, veterem ad domi. num debere referri. Orelli inscr. 2951 procurator ad helephantos. Hirschfeld röm. Verwaltungsgesch. i 178. anth. Pal. IX 285 oủkéti TT UPγωθείς [infra 109 110] ο φαλαγγομάχας επί δώριν | άσχετος ορμαίνει μυριόδους ελέφας, | αλλά φοβω στείλας βαθύν αυχένα προς ζυγοδέσμους, I άντυγα διφρουλκει Καίσαρος ουρανίου. | έγνω δ' ειρήνης και θήρ χάριν όργανα ρίψας | "Αρεος, ευνομίης αντανάγει πατέρα, where the former and present employments of the animal are seriously, as here satirically, contrasted. L. Cornificius, whenever he dined abroad, returned home on an elephant (DCass. XLIX 7 8 6 where it is mentioned as exceptional). Suet. Claud. 11 aviae Liviae divinos honores et circensi pompa currum elephantorum Augustino similem decernenda curavit. Capitol. Maximini 26 principibus nostris Maximo Balbino et Gordiano statuas cum elephantis decernimus. Gord. 27. Elephants are frequently seen on imperial coins. PRIVATO among omens of Aurelian's future greatness Vopisc. 5 fin. he received from the king of the Persians a state elephant, which he offered to the emperor, solusque omnium privatus Aurelianus elephanti dominus fuit. Ael. n. a. x l'took out a licence (dúvajcv) from the emperor to hunt them.

107 PRIVATO VI 114. XIII 41 n.

TYRIO Carthage being a colony of Tyre, the very names Poenus, Punicus mere corruptions of Phoenician. In Silius Hannibal and the Carthaginians are Tyrius (-i), Sidonius (-i), Agenoreus (-idae) etc.

108 HANNIBALI X 158 n. thus he employed forty B.C. 218 against the Carpetani (Liv. XXI 5 $S 10. 15), and at the Trebia (ib. 55 SS 2. 7. 9—11), at Zama B.C. 202 he had . 50 in his van, the largest number that he ever led to battle (xxx 33 4). cf. ind. Liv. and Polyb. NOSTRIS DUCIBUS REGIQUE MOLOSSO Plin. VIII § 16 the Romans first met with elephants in the war with Pyrrhus in Lucania B.C. 281, whence (from Plautus and Naevius to Claudianus Mamertus cent. 5. after Chr.) they were called Lucae boves Lucanian oxen (cf. Varro l. 1. VII § 39. Lucr. v 1302 Munro). M. Curius Dentatus exhibited some at his IUV. II.



triumph B.C. 275 (Sen. brev. vit. 13 $ 3. Eutr. 11 14=8). More than a hundred were led in triumph by L. Caecilius Metellus B.C. 250 (Plin. VII $ 139.

VIII § 16. XVIII § 17. Sen. ib. & 8. Oros. iv 9). The Romans first employed them in battle in the war against Philip B.C. 200 (Liv. XXXI 36 g 4). B.c. 190 in the battle of Magnesia L. Cornelius Scipio could oppose 16 African elephants to 54 Indian elephants of Antiochus (Liv. XXXVII 39 § 13). , The elephants in the campaign of Q. Marcius Philippus against king Perses B.C. 190, took fright on a march (ib. XLIV 5 $ 2). They did good service at Vindalium B.C. 121, when Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus defeated the Allobroges (Oros. V 13). A team was first yoked in Rome to the car of Pompeius in his African triumph B.c. 81 (Plin. VIII § 4). In Caesar's Gallic triumph B.C. 46 elephants bearing torches were led (Suet. 37). In his African campaign B.C. 46 the soldiers of the fifth legion demanded to be led against the elephants in L. Scipio's army, which had at first caused great alarm : from their success in the battle that legion afterwards bore the figure of an elephant on their standards (App. b. c. 11 96. cf. Hirt. bell. Afric. 81–84). In the imperial times they were employed chiefly to draw the emperor's chariot in triumphs and processions Friedländer 113 372–5. 524 525. Niebuhr R. h. 111 505. 520. 572. 590. 597 seq. ind. to Sillig's Pliny. Lipsius ep. misc. 1 1.

REGI MOLOSSO xiv 161 162 Punica passis | proelia vel Pyrrum inmanem gladiosque Molossos. The most famous city of the Molossi Dodona Plin. IV 8 2. Liv. perioch. 13. Flor. 1 13=18 § 6. Veget. III 24 who shews how they may be overcome. Ael. n. a. 1 38. Eutr. 11 11=6. How Pyrrhus endeavoured to frighten Fabricius by suddenly exposing to his view an elephant, has often been told (Plut. Pyrrh. 20). In the wars also with Antiochus and Iugurtha the Romans had to encounter many elephants. 109 DORSO FERRE COHORTES 1 Macc. 1 6 and 35 where each elephant carries thirty-two soldiers in a tower, beside the Indian driver ! Bochart hieroz. II C. 27. Philostr. Apoll. 11 12 § 1 puts the number at 12 or 15. Plin. VIII § 22 “twenty tower-bearing (turriti) elephants cum sexagenis propugnatoribus were pitted against 500 horse and 500 foot,' must mean that each elephant bore three fighting men, as Ael. XIII 9 says. For Pliny uses distributives for cardinals as freely as the poets cf. Iani ars poët. 275.

110 PARTEM ALIQUAM BELLI 1 74 n. aliquid. 111 230 n. Aen. x 426 427 Lausus, | pars ingens belli. ib. 737 pars belli haut temnenda, viri, iacet altus Orodes. Pliny cited below.

BELLI ET hiatus in same place xir 65 hoc monstrum puero et miranti sub aratro. III 70. 274. 468. VIII 105 ? x 54 ? 281. XIV 49. xv 126.

EUNTEM IN PROELIA TURRIM Veget. III 24 p. m. Lucr. v 1302. Liv. XXXVII 40 § 4. Plin. VIII § 27 domiti militant et turres armatorum in hostes ferunt, magnaque ex parte orien. tis bella conficiunt. ib. XI § 4 turrigeros elephantorum miramur umeros. Sil. 111 601 vis elephantorum turrito concita dorso. 1x 239—241 turritae moles ac propugnacula dorso | belua ni. granti gestans ceu mobilis agger, I mutat et erectos attollit ad aethera muros. cf. Forcellini turriger. turritus. Bochart c. 25 of the use of elephants in war' and c. 27. He quotes from Basil • living towers and hills of flesh.'

111 MORA NULLA PER HISTRUM QUIN VI 333. dig. XXXII 30 § 5 sin autem per mulierem mora non est, quo minus cum filio habitet, legata ei deberi. NOVIUM DISTRUM fortune-hunters. Hister 11 58.

112 PA



CUVIUM sometimes Pacvius L. Müller de re metr. 251 252. Lachmann Lucr. p. 306.

EBUR i.e. the elephant; cf. 4 vellus. 13 sanguis.

DUCATUR AD ARAS X 66. Heins, on Ov, m. xv 114.

113 GALLITTAE to be taken with Lares.

114 DEIS Laribus. HORUM Larium, as representing the living family. 115 ALTER Pacuvius 125.

115 seq. vI 3884392 quid faceret plus | aegrotante viro? medicis quid tristibus erga | filiolum ? stetit ante aram, nec turpe putavit | pro cithara velare caput, dictataque verba | pertulit, ut mos est, et aperta palluit agna. A week after the death of Marcus Aurelius the archigallus issued orders to his sect to bleed themselves for his recovery (Tert. apol. 25 who cannot refrain from sarcasm : o nuntios tardos ! o somniculosa diplomata! cf. Minuc. 24 § 6). Cries of the people to the emperor Tert. apol. 35 de nostris annis tibi Iuppiter augeat annos. id. ad nat. II 9. SI CONCEDAS, VOVEBIT X 339 n.

340 n.

116 on expiatory sacrifice see viii 257 n. VI 652–4 spectant [in the theatre, · cf. XII 120 tragicae] subeuntem fata maritis Alcestim et, similis si permutatio detur, | morte viri cupiant animam servare catellae. ib. 551 552 pectora pullorum rimabitur, exta catelli, | interdum et pueri.

118 VITTAS XIII 63 n. Verg. g. III 486 487 stans victima ad aras, | lanea dum nivea circumdatur infula vitta. Aen, II 136. 156. Ov. Ibis 103. Pont. III 2 75.

118 119 SI QUA EST NUBILIS ILLI IPHIGENIA DOMI 1 161 n. IV 133 n. XII 127 Mycenis. VI 566 Tanaquil tua. Aeneas for son v 138 139 nullus tibi parvolus aula | luserit Aeneas nec filia dulcior illo. Markland adds v 141 tua nunc Mycale. vi 236 (cl. xIII 98. XIV 252) advocat Archigenen. 660 Atrides (for husband, but iv 65 for monarch).

NUBİLIS Iphigenia was led to the altar Lucr. 1 98 nubendi tempore in ipso. Eur. IA. 100. 123.

119 120 IPHIGENIA...CERVAE Prokl. epit. of the cyclic poem Kypria p. 475 Gaisford (Mure bk. II c. 19 S 9) the fleet again assembles at Aulis. Agamemnon on a hunting party, elated by an expert shot at a deer, boasts that he surpasses Artemis herself in her own art. As a punishment for his impiety, the goddess detains the fleet windbound. Kalchas declares that she can only be appeased by the sacrifice of Iph., who is accordingly brought from home, under pretext of betrothal to Achilles. Artemis snatches her from the altar, leaving a fawn in her stead, makes her immortal, and conveys her to Tauri.' Hegesias (or Stasinos) is followed by Eurip. IA. 1587. IT. 28 åxx' Èféκλεψεν έλαφον αντιδουσά μου | "Αρτεμις Αχαιούς. 783. Prop. IV=III 22 34. Ov. m. XII 34 Heins. tr. iv 4 67. Mart. III 91 11. Nonn. XIII 104–119. Hygin. 98 Muncker. 261. Serv. Aen. II 116. See other legends in Tzetzes on Lyk. 183. A hackneyed topic in the schools Sen. suas. 3 title .deliberat Agamemnon an Iphigeniam immolet negante Calchante aliter navigari fas esse.' Aug. civ. Dei xvii 18 g 3 where he discusses the possibility of lycanthropy and Circean metamorphoses, with the saving clause si tamen factum est' explains the story of the Dio. medeae volucres, by this : men were not changed into birds, but by legerdemain birds were substituted for men; sicut cerva pro Iphigenia. By divine permission such praestigiae would not be difficult; because that virgin was afterwards found alive, it was readily understood suppopositam pro illa cervam esse. A like spiriting away of a victim at Caesarea said by Eus. h. e. vii 17 to have been revealed in answer to &

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