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A.D. 1679.]



sion of 1,000,000 of livres during three years; and it was under these circumstances that Charles, being no longer at a loss for money, prorogued the parliament. It chanced, however, that the treaty was not yet signed, and Louis grasped at the opportunity to append to it new and more humiliating conditions. The pride of the king revolted; James advised him to substitute in lieu of the French pension a system of the most rigorous economy; and Charles following his counsel, not only Nov. rejected the conditions, but refused to listen to Barillon, 25. when he proposed to resume the negotiation *.

That minister, in his despatches to his sovereign, Dec. affected to make light of the disappointment. He had 4. a party in parliament sufficiently powerful to prevent any grant of money to the king, or any accommodation between the opposition and the governmentt. To secure the fidelity of that party, he was careful to remunerate the services of those who had given him their aid during the last session. The army had been disbanded; the lord treasurer had fallen; they had gained a right to the rewards which had previously been promised. To the duke of Buckingham he paid the sum of 1,000 guineas; and another sum of 2,500 guineas he distributed in equal portions among Baber, Sydney, Harbord, Lyttleton and Powle. Montague demanded 100,000 crowns, according to the terms of the contract. The ambassador rejected his claim. Danby was, indeed, in prison; but his trial had not taken place; it remained yet to be seen whether the lord treasurer were ruined or not. Montague, on the other hand, complained of such chicanery; he pretended that, to purchase the votes of those who supported him in the house of commons, he had mortgaged the larger portion of the money ; and at last, by dint of importunity, obtained 50,000 crowns, one half of his demand 1.

• Dalrymple, 229, 230 233. 244. 254, 255. James (Memoirs), i. 564.

Barillon, 5 Dec. in Mazure, i. 261. * Dalrymple, 252. 255. 314.

om Barillou's despatch it appears that

Henceforth, that the reader may form a distinct notion of the events which occurred between the prorogation in October 1679 and the meeting of parliament in October 1680, it will be convenient to arrange them under two heads, of which the first will comprehend the struggles of the two political parties to acquire the ascendency, the other the discoveries and prosecutions which continued to grow out of that fruitful stock of imposture and injustice, the fictitious narrative of Titus Oates.

I. Shaftesbury and his associates resolved to keep

alive the fears and jealousies of the people, and to harass Nov. and intimidate the king. 1. On the 17th of November, 17. the anniversary of the accession of queen Elizabeth, a

most extraordinary pageant, calculated to make a deep impression on the minds of the populace, was exhibited at the expense, and under the superintendence, of the green ribbon club. First appeared the bellman walking with slow and solemn pace, and exclaiming at intervals, “ remember Mr. justice Godfrey:" next came a man dressed in the habit of a jesuit, bearing on horseback the figure of a dead body; then followed representations of nuns, monks, priests, catholic bishops in copes and mitres, protestant bishops in lawn sleeves, six cardinals with their caps, and last of all the pope

in a litter, accompanied by his arch-counsellor the devil. In this state the procession set out from Moorgate in the dusk of the evening, amidst the glare of several thousand flambeaux; perambulated the city in the presence of two hundred thousand spectators, swearing eternal hatred to the principles of popery, and calling for ven. geance on the heads of the papists; and at last halted at Temple-bar in front of the King's Arms tavern. The clubbists instantly appeared at the balconies; fire works Buckingham demanded 20,000 crowns; that Baber avoit été fort utile en beaucoup d'occasions, et l'avoit averti à tems de ce qui se passoit dans les differentes cabales ; qu'il avoit une étroite liaison avec Lyttleton-qu'il avoit conservé une correspondence particuliere avec le sieur Powle, que le sieur Harbord avoit beaucoup agi dans l'affaire du grand Trésorier, et que M. de Sidney avoit été d'une grande utilité en bien des occasioas. Ibid. 256, 257.

A.D. 1679.]



were exhibited ; and, at a given signal, the pope and his attendants were precipitated into the flames with a tremendous shout, “the echo of which," it is observed in the official account published by the party,“ reached by continued reverberations to Scotland, and France, and Rome itself, damping them all with adful astonishment." The effect of the exhibition answered the hopes of its authors; and it was repeated with variations in the two succeeding years : but in 1682 Charles recovered the government of the capital, and put down the nuisance *.

2. Within eight days after this pageant the duke of Monmouth returned to England. Shaftesbury had sent for him under the pretext that the time of his exile was determined by that of the duke of York: James had obtained permission to reside within the king's dominio.s, Monmouth had a right to the same benefit. He Nov entered London at midnight; but the watch announced 27. his arrival; the bells were rung, and bonfires kindled. Charles resented deeply the disobedience of his son and the manner of his reception. He ordered him to quit the kingdom immediately, under the penalty of perpetual exclusion from the royal presence; he rejected the petitions of the duchess and of her friends; and he deprived Monmouth (but successively, and after short intervals, that he might have time for repentance) of his several offices of captain of the guards, of lord lieutenant of Staffordshire and of the north riding of Yorkshire, of governor of Hull, and of master of the horse. Still the young man set at defiance the displeasure of his father, and pretended to justify his obstinacy under the plea of filial piety. His presence, he said, was necessary. He would either preserve the king's life from the daggers of the papists, or revenge his death, if he should fall by their treason •'.

• See “ London's Defiance to Rome.” Ralph, 484; also North, 571. 575. Echard, 985.

+ James, i. 578, 582. Evelyn, iii. 20. Bulstrode, 310. Kernet, 378.

3. At the same time, to prepare the public mind for the future pretensions of Monmouth, was printed and circulated a most seditious libel, under the title of “an “appeal from the country to the city for the preserva“tion of his majesty's person, liberty, property, and “ religion." The writer called on the citizens to ascend the monument, to contemplate from its summit the magnificent scene which lay at their feet, and then to imagine that they beheld their houses in flames, their children and neighbours massacred, their wives and daughters violated, and their ministers and teachers tortured by the papists. Let them not be deceived: this imaginary spectacle would be infallibly realised on the succession of a popish monarch.

Their present safety could last no longer than the life of the king, who (such was the benevolence of his disposition) gave no credit to the plot, and thus exposed himself to the daggers of the assassins. It was therefore time to prepare for the approaching crisis, to select a man who should lead them against French invaders and popish rebels. That man was the duke of Monmouth, eminently qualified for command by his birth, his conduct, and his courage.

Let the citizens stand by him, and he would stand by them. His fortune was united with theirs. Nor should they forget that “the worst title makes the best king,” because, what the prince wants in right, he must supply by concession

4. Another expedient suggested by the fertile brain of Shaftesbury, was to petition that the parliament might be permitted to sit at the end of the first short proroga. tion. With this view the kingdom was parceled out into districts, to each of which particular agents were assigned. They informed the people that, if the king were permitted to govern without a parliament, the ascendency of popery, and the establishment of despotism, would inevitably follow; and for the prevention of these evils

• State Tracts in the reign of Charles II., vol. ii. 491. Parl. Hist. 1. App. xcv.



they solicited subscriptions to the petitions with which they had been furnished from the head committee in London *. Some of the grand juries set the example ; the common council followed ; and most of the counties and populous towns hastened to tread in the footsteps of the capital. The king at first returned for answer, that it was his province, and not that of the petitioners, to judge of the proper time for the sitting of parliament: but his patience was gradually exhausted, and his alarm daily excited. He sought in vain to escape from the approach of the petitioners—they way-laid him wherever he went, and thrust their papers into his hands at the most unseasonable times and places_nor could he foresee the consequences of the extraordinary ferment which prevailed in every part of the kingdom, conjoined, as it was, with the pretensions of Monmouth and the boldness of his partisans. To provide against insurrection he furnished Portsmouth, Sheerness, Hull, and other fortresses with trusty garrisons, and to free himself from annoyance he sent for the lord mayor and aldermen, to whom in the royal presence, the chancellor explained, what he termed the law on the subject of petitions, with a strict injunction that they should see it enforced +. The next day a proclamation was addressed to all Dec. magistrates throughout the kingdom. It is remark- 10 able that this instrument did not deny the right of 11 petitioning, nor pretend that the sitting of parliament was an improper or illegal subject. It attached itself

* From North's account it appears that the art of getting up petitions arrived at perfection in its very infancy. The agents traversed the districts allotted to them, procuring the signatures of those who could write, and “the hieroglyphics of clowns ;” adding in many cases the names of the absent, or of persons not in existence. When the petitious had been returned to the committee in London, the“ beadrolls were cut off, and glued “ in succession to each other," and the whole collection attached to one form of petition similar to that which had been sent into the country. North, 342.

^ This explanation consisted of the resolations of the judges in the second year of James I. and the provisions of two acts in the reign of Charles II. Somers' Tracts, viii. 122–129. It would, however, require no small portion of ingenuity to show that either the resolutions or the Blatutes were at all applicable to petitions in question.

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