ment ought to exert its influence to procure the immediate independence of South America-by no means; but yet he was prepared to say that, considering the manner in which the trade of its subjectshad increased at Buenos Ayres where it was liable to no restrictions during the years 1810, 1811, and 1812-considering that since the latter of these periods it had even increased there to a two-fold amount, and that similar results had taken place in every other part of that great continent where British manufactures had been introduced-it was bound by every tie of feeling and of interest to cement the connexion which already subsisted between the inhabitants of the two countries, by the utmost good faith, kindness, and liberality. To cement that connexion would not be a difficult task for this country, as there was none better calculated to inspire the South Americans with sentiments of respect and affection. Their lordships, he was sure, were well aware that, in the year previous to the commencement of the unfortunate war which terminated in the establishment of American independence, our exports to the United States did not amount to more than 3,000,000l.; whereas at present they amounted to no less a sum than 30,000,000l. Was this great and amazing increase the result of restrictive laws and provisions? Certainly not: it was the result of the increased prosperity and population of those states, and of their becoming, in conse. quence of it, great consumers of our produce and manufactures. If such had been the case with North America, did not that very circumstance render it still more

the interest of the British govern ment to consolidate its friendship with those countries which were desirous of securing its friendship, which under the odious government from which Spain had recently emancipated itself, had never been open to us, and which even under the government which had just succeeded to it, were not likely to be more accessible to us? The noble marquis then proceeded to urge the necessity of using conciliatory measures towards Ireland also, declaring, that if ever there was a people calculated to give employment to capital, and to become great consumers of manufactured goods, it was the people of Ireland. He then concluded his speech by moving for the appointment of a select committee to examine into the state of the foreign trade, and the best means of extending it.

The earl of Liverpool rose with great satisfaction, after the able and candid speech of the noble marquis, which he had heard throughout with the utmost gratification. He agreed with him in most of the facts which he stated, also in the propriety of limiting the inquiry, and he disapproved of those who would set at variance our commercial and agricultural interests. With this general view of the question, he would endeavour to proceed into an inquiry of what the situation of the country was, both with respect to its internal and foreign relations. Their first object ought to be, to probe into the real causes of the distresses of the country, and then to consider if any, and what, remedy could be applied.

His lordship contended that there

had

had been no falling off in the internal consumption of the country; and for the purpose of proving this, he entered into a comparative

view of the consumption of certain articles for the year 1819 and the three preceding years, of which the following is the result:

Last year

22,332,117

674,417

7,923,583

7,358,856

564,727

Last year

11,175,917

Diminution of

791,794

22,132,276

Last year

23,971,387

Increase

1,839,111

and 1819

£5,173,755

Last year

Diminution

The manner in which these accounts were taken showed that there could be no fallacy in them, and therefore the conclusion must be, that the internal consumption of the country was rather increas ed than diminished. If he were to proceed to a detail of the articles of general consumption among the middle and lower classes of society, such as candles, skins, salt, soap, bricks and tiles, &c. it would be found that here also an increase had taken place; there might, perhaps, be a trifling diminution in some articles, but this was more than compensated by the increase in others. He now came to another part of the question, namely, our foreign trade, and particular

4,819,000 £354,755

ly that in British manufactures. Here he admitted there was a considerable falling off. The declared value of British and Irish manufactures exported in 1818, was about 48,503,760%. In 1819 it was 37,939,5061.; leaving a deficiency of 10,564,2541. It should be recollected, however, that the preceding year was one of great trading effort; it would therefore be better to take the average of the years 1816, 1817, and 1818. The average export trade of those three years was 45,161,7561. leaving a deficiency of 7,300,000l. as compared with last year. This was doubtless a very great falling off; but before they entered into an inquiry into G 3

the

34,940,000

1811 . These were the years of the war in which our commerce had risen to its greatest extent. It was true that the average he had taken was deficient near 11,000,000l. during the last year, but still our exports were nearly as great now as they were during the most flourishing years of the war. It next became necessary to inquire in what branch of our trade a falling off had taken place: some decrease in our European trade had undoubtedly taken place, but not to any considerable extent. That deficiency did not, on an average of three years, exceed 1,200,000l.: One article on which our exports had diminished was the refined sugar. Since the ports of the Brazils had been opened to other powers in common with us, they supplied themselves with that article. A falling off had also taken place last year in our continental trade to the amount of 600,000l. but with Ireland our trade was increasing. The noble marquis had alluded to our relations with India; but if he would consider the real causes of our distress, he would find them to be the glut of the In

dian market, and the falling off of our trade with America. The noble lord proceeded to detail the falling off which had taken place in our exports to America, of cottons, glass, woollens, cutlery, hardware, &c. making, upon an average of three years, a deficiency of 3,100,000l. annually. The noble marquis admitted that distress was not wholly confined to this country. He (lord Liverpool) went further. His lordship then proceeded to show that the same commercial distress was prevalent in America and Europe as in this country; the cause of which in the United States he stated to be the great prosperity to which they had risen during the peace, in consequence of their trade as a neutral power, and the check which this trade had received by the establishment of a general peace.-He did not think any of the measures suggested on the other side, though important in themselves, calculated to produce any very extensive effect; but, in whatever degree they might operate, he was equally certain that they were well worthy of consideration. That some general system was necessary, no man would deny; but he objected most strenuously to a meddling legislating disposition on these subjects -a continual tampering with great questions, and changing regulations session after session, to comply with temporary emergency, partial interests, or unreasonable clamour. On such matters the fewer the laws were, the better; those already on the statute book were perhaps more than sufficient; perhaps some required alteration and amendment, and others might be altogether removed; but the undertaking would be attended

with difficulty, and ought to be commened with care. Knowledge and ithe certainty derived from prev ous experience, were the safest guides in all the relations of life; when disadvantages and inconveniences were once ascertained, they might be avoided or prepared against; but with perpetual changes there would of course be no system, and without it neither foreign nations nor ourselves could know on what to rely, and distresses would be multiplied in a tenfold proportion.

The earl of Lauderdale began by complimenting the noble earl and the noble marquis on the able manner in which they had conducted this important discussion. He concurred in a great deal of what had fallen from both. He however took a more consolatory view of the situation of the country than either of the noble lords than even the noble earl, who had given, from authentic documents, such a cheering prospect of the trade of the kingdom. When he reflected on the causes operating to produce distress-on the exertions already made to repel the evil-and the small decrease of demand, he could not but entertain a sanguine hope that the deficiency would be supplied through the inquiries of the proposed committee.

After a few words from lords Ellenborough and Calthorpe, the question was put and carried, and the marquis of Lansdowne stated the names of the peers who were to form the select committee. Among them were the earl of Liverpool, the duke of Wellington, earl Donoughmore, the earl of Lauderdale, lord Holland, lord Grenville, lord Bathurst, lord

Calthorpe, earl Grosvenor and lord Darnley.

In the commons, the same day, Mr. W. Courtenay presented a petition from certain news venders against the publication of Sunday newspapers.

Mr. Lambton expressed the greatest disgust at the hypocritical cant of the petition.

A discussion then took place on a motion by lord Milton for the repeal of the duty on the importation of foreign wool. The noble lord maintained that the imposition of the duty had failed in its two main objects, as a source of revenue, and as a protection to the home grower; and in proof he quoted evidence on the subject given before the privy council last year, which went to show that the duty had the effect of bringing the French and Flemish woollens in competition with the English to the American market.

Mr. Stuart Wortley supported the noble lord.

The chancellor of the exchequer and several other members on the same side opposed the motion, and contended that the state of the American market, with respect to English woollens, arose not from the duty, but from the diminished demand caused by distress in the United States. They also argued, that as the home manufacturer had a monopoly of the home growth, the grower was entitled to some protection. It was further contended, that this duty had the effect of removing the Spanish export duty; so that, in point of fact, by this removal no burden was additionally placed on the British manufacturer. To this last point it was replied, that the Spa nish export duty was removed in

respect to the whole world. But in answer it was stated, that nearly the whole of the wool exported from Spain came to this country. The chancellor of the exchequer said, that he continued in the same sentiments which he had expressed last session. Whatever might be the ultimate effect of the measure, no sufficient experiment had yet been made to warrant the proposed alteration. If it was improper, generally speaking, to apply a tax to the raw material, it was a principle no less sound, that by the effect of taxation our natural produce should be supported. It was not in England only that a depression of the woollen trade had taken place. The manufacturers of France had quite as much cause for complaint as the manufacturers of this country.

The house then divided, when the numbers wereFor the motion Against it

Majority

. . 128 202

74

In a committee of supply, was resolved, on the motion of Mr. Vansittart, that a sum not exceeding 7,000,000l. should be granted to his majesty to discharge the like amount granted out of the supply of the year 1819; and, on the motion of Mr. Bankes, that a sum not exceeding 10,1091. 16s. 10d. be granted to his majesty to be applied towards defraying the expenses of the British Museum for the year 1819, the said sum to be paid without fee or deduction. Adjourned, soon after 12 o'clock, to Tuesday the 30th of May.

H

OUSE of lords, May 30.--The civil list bill was read the third tme.

Lord Dacre moved as an amendment, that no part of the surplus sums arising from the admiralty droits should be applied for the purposes provided for in the bill; but, that an account should be annually laid before parliament, in order to its disposal.

This was seconded by lord Ellenborough, but opposed by the earl of Liverpool, and was negatived by 81 to 21.

The bill was then passed.

In the commons, the same day, Mr. H. Sumner disclaimed any wish on the part of the agriculturists to encroach on the privileges of the other two interests in the country. They did not wish for

any