27TH CONG......3D SESS.

all the essentials of ease, comfort, and happiness, are infinitely better off than most of themselves. The slaves of this State were, at the period of the late war-whatever they may be now-of quite a different class. Louisiana was then (if I may use the term without offence) a sort of servile Liberia, into which all the vilest slaves of all the States were sent, and often for the purpose of screening them from condign punishment. It may, then, be readily conceived with what reluctance men would quit their homes, leaving their families at the mercy of such beings, subject to be operated upon by such a foe-a foe then in league with every desperate band of roving and lawless savages that could be seduced into their bloody service, reckless of the well-known fact that, in that service, they would spare neither age, sex, nor condition. I shall, however, doubtless, be told that none of these evil consequences ensued. Let it be borne in mind that I am now only speaking of things in the light in which they naturally and properly presented themselves at the time, and not that which they have since assumed. As far as my information goes, the British made no attempt to excite the slaves either to murder or revolt. No, sir, they pursued a very different course. Like Gen. Jackson, they had been taught to believe that a large portion of the citizens of Louisiana, and particularly those of French and Spanish extraction, were inimical to the Union. To these, therefore, they addressed proclamations, assuring them that they came as friends, and not as enemies; and promising security and protection both to themselves and their property. These facts, with many others, had a natural tendency to mislead the commanding general as to the extent of that disaffection. Louisiana was, moreover, a purchased province; and we are told by Mr. Martin, the historian mainly relied on by the opposers of this bill, that the transfer was attended with no little gloom and discontent. This was a natural, and by no means an unpatriotic feeling. The allegiance of the heart is not to be purchased. The father-land is a green spot in the waste of every man's memory, which visits him in his dreams, and comes to him in his day-dreams. How much of that feeling still remained, was yet to be seen. If the embers were not extinct, here was a most propitious opportunity of kindling the flame anew. The Spanish inhabitants were told that England and Spain were fast friends, and for years had been warring side by side, in the same great cause; and the French were told, that that great cause included the restoration of the legitimate sovereign of France to the throne of his ancestors. What sane man would undertake to say that all these appeals would fall on cold unwilling ears; particularly when, in all human probability, the British had ample means to make good their promises both of protection and security?

But there was still a third class, who neither owed nor professed any allegiance to this nation. The city and country were filled with foreigners and strangers from every clime and zone, of every tribe and tongue, whose sole business was to better their condition-having more or less interest staked on the result of the coming contest. Who would pretend to vouch that these "lookers on in Vienna" were all good men and true, and ready to "do or die" in a cause not their own? Or who would even Vouch that they would not join the enemy, who seemed to have victory already written on his banner? Sir, had one-half of the population of this country pledged themselves for the patriotism of the other, it could not have been expected that a man as deeply read in that intricate volume-the human heart-and as well acquainted with all its springs of action, as General Jackson is known to be, would have given it a moment's credence. But General Jackson was not left to speculate upon this general knowledge of men and things. He was warned and forewarned previous to reaching Louisiana-and that, too, from the very highest authority in the land-that it was filled with spies and traitors. True, Mr. Martin attempts to show that General Jackson had been the informer, and succeeded in imbuing the mind of Claiborne with suspicions not his own. He says (speaking of General Jackson) "unfortunately, he had been surrounded, from the moment of his arrival, by persons from the ranks of the opposition to Claiborne, Hall, and the State Government; and it was soon discovered that he had become impressed with the idea that a great part of the population of Louisiana was disaffected, and the city full of traitors and spies." It appears that such were his senti

Fine on General Jackson-Mr. Butler.

ments as early as the 8th of September; for, in a letter of Claiborne, which he has since published, the Governor joins in the opinion, and writes to him: "I agree with you, that our country is full of spies and traitors." And yet this impartial historian had before him both Letour and Eaton, each of them containing the defence offered by General Jackson on his trial before Judge Hall: in which were numerous extracts of letters from Governor Claiborne to himself, solemnly warning him against these very traitors. From one of them, written just one month prior to that from which Mr. Martin has garbled the line above quoted, I make the following

extract:

"I have reason to calculate on the patriotism of the interior and western counties. I know, also, there are many faithful citizens in New Orleans; but there are others in whose attachment to the United States I ought not to confide. Upon the whole, sir, I cannot disguise the fact, that, if Louisiana should be attacked, we must principally depend for security upon the prompt movements of the regular force under your command, and the militia of the Western States and Territories."

I will also make a quotation from this same letter of the 8th of September, which did not answer the purpose of Mr. Martin, and which he, therefore, found it convenient to suppress. Speaking of New Orleans, the Governor says: "There is in this city a much greater spirit of disaffection than I had anticipated; and among the faithful Louisi anians, there is a despondency which palsies all my preparations." Mr. Martin proceeds: "The Governor was not unwilling to increase his own merit by magnifying the obstacles he had to surmount; he therefore stated, in his correspondence with Jackson, every opposition he met with; and did not fail to represent every one, who did not think as he did, as inimical to the country." Here we have the strange spectacle of Jackson being at the same time surrounded "by persons from the ranks of the opposition to Claiborne, Hall, and the State Government," and Claiborne himself constituting one of that opposition. In modern parlance "the General seems to have stolen the Governor," and arrayed him not only against his friends, but against

himself.

But Governor Claiborne was not the only source from which General Jackson received his impressions of the want of fidelity among the inhabitants of Louisiana, as Mr. Martin himself shows. He proceeds: "Those who immediately surrounded Jackson on his arrival, with a view to enhance his reliance on them, availed themselves of every opportunity to increase his sense of danger." And who were those men? At their head stood Liv. ingston and Duncan-men who would rank high, in any age or country, for talen's and probity; who had lived long in the city, and had the very best means of correct information. Can it, then, be a cause of wonder that General Jackson believed the country was full of "spies and traitors?" or a matter of reproach that he resorted to the most ener getic measures to render treason abortive? But was there, in truth, no treachery? That there was much less than the General believed to exist, I feel great pleasure in conceding. But that there was still enough to demand all his vigilance and skill, none ought to deny. For proof of this fact, I refer to Latour, who is himself a Creole of the country, and whose prejudices and feelings are, therefore, all presumed to be in favor of its citizens, and opposed to whatever may be construed to their prejudice. After describing a village on the left bank, and near the mouth of Bayou Bienvenue, which he says "contained thirty or forty fishermen, almost all Spaniards or Portuguese," ten of whose names he gives, as he says, "to consign them to execration and infamy," he proceeds: "These all were known to have aided the British in disembarking their troops, serving as pilots on board their vessels and boats, and acting as spies from the period of their arrival on the coast." (See pages 82 and 83.)

I also refer to the following letter from Mr. Charles K. Blanchard, of New Orleans, to General Jackson, which will be found in Eaton, p. 445:

"SIR: I have the honor, agreeably to your request, to state to your excellency the substance of a conversation that occurred between Quartermaster Peddie, of the British army, and my. self, on the 11th instant, on board bis Britannic Majesty's ship Herald. Quartermaster Peddie observed, that the commanding officers of the British forces were daily in the receipt of every information from the city of New Orleans which they might require, in aid of their operations for the completion of the objects of the expedition; that they were perfectly acquainted with the situation of every part of our forces, the manner in which the same was situated, the number of our fortifica. tions, their strength, position, &c. As to the battery on the left bank of the Mississippi, he described its situation, its distance from the main post, and promptly offered me a plan of

H. of Reps.

the works. He furthermore stated, that the above information was received from seven or eight persons in the city of New Orleans, from whom he could at any hour procure every information necessary to promote his Majesty's interest."

If there was treason here--and that there was, no one can with truth deny-then never was there on earth a country in which that treason might play its part with more security and success, or which demanded more prudence and skill to detect and to disarm it. Look, sir, at the country in the vicinity of New Orleans: a narrow strip of land on either side of the river, varying from a half to two miles in width, pent in on all sides by swamps almost impervious to the foot of man, and intersected by innumerable bayous and canals, connecting the Mississippi with the surrounding gulfs and bays and lakes. But, in order fully to appreciate the view of the case it is my object to impress, it is important to understand something of the plan adopted by the commanding general for the defence of the city He had obviously but two, between which to choose: one was, to collect his entire force in its vicinity, wait the approach of the enemy, and settle the fate of the city by one bloody deathstruggle. This he wisely declined, because he would still have it as a dernier resort, should he fail in the other. That plan was to keep his main force at or near New Orleans, seize on all the avenues of approach, though at such a dis tance from it as to cover and protect as many of the well disposed inhabitants as he could, without weakening his position; at the same time keeping in check those he dared not trust; holding the enemy at arm's length as long as possible; and, when able to do so no longer, falling back, and se. lecting the best ground on which to give him battle. From what I have said, it will be seen that there was a complete cordon of pickets or outposts surrounding the city, occupying all the avenues of approach to it, and as thoroughly cutting off all communication between the space included within this cordon and the balance of the world, as though it had been circumvallated by a wall or ditch, so long as these pickets could be maintained; and all proved true. This it was that rendered the city at all times not only a camp, but the very heart and centre of that camp. But how easy was it for treason to defeat even this noble plan of defence? Only the river termini of these bayous could be occupied by the American army; while the enemy, from their superior naval power, would of course seize on their entrances into the gulf. No intermediate point could be occupied by either, as it was one entire morass. In this state of things, it is evident that the British had the power, not only to select their own point of attack, but to make as many feints as they might think fit; and that it would be impossible to distinguish the one from the other, until they should reach the firm ground near the bank of the Mississippi. All, then, that was wanting on their part, in order to insure success, was to deceive the commanding general by a false attack, either above or below the city, and thereby draw his main force in that direction, while the real approach should be made on the opposite side. All this, had it not been restrained by the most rigid means, treachery would have attempted, and might not have done so in vain.

Having said thus much of the condition of things at home, let us now turn our eyes for a moment in the opposite direction. About the period of which I am now speaking, Gen. Jackson received intelligence of an undoubted character that the enemy was near at hand. Eighty vessels, filled with troops and munitions of war, were already off Pensacola, and as many more were hourly expected. Believing the entire control of all the resources of the country to be indispensable to its defence, and that these resources could not be applied to so good a purpose; believing, also, that unrestrained liberty of person-when applied to such as would, from necessity or choice, be included within the city to be defended, or the adjacent territory covered by his posts-to be utterly incompatible with either discipline or safety, General Jackson applied to the Legislature, then in session, to suspend for a time the writ of habeas corpus. That body, like himself, seem to have felt the importance of the crisis; for they not only passed a law closing up all the courts of justice, but also one laying an embargo on all the vessels in the port of New Or leans. Even Judge Hall, yielding to the pressure of the emergency, thought fit-without law, or trial, or bail-to discharge all the prisoners committed under process of the United States, no matter what their crimes, in order to fill the ranks of

27TH CONG....3D SESS.

the army. Still, the proposal to suspend the writ of habeas corpus met with opposition, and was yet under discussion, when, on the 14th of December, the battle of the lakes was fought, by which we lost all the gun-boats on the station, and gave the enemy unlimited control of the entire coast, and full power to select his point of attack. This was, indeed, a most critical, a most startling moment. Recollect that neither Coffee, Carroll, Adair, nor Hind had yet arrived; and that I have before said General Jackson's available force for the defence of the city was but about 1,300 efficient men. That of the enemy was, of course, unknown, and variously reported from twelve to twenty thousand. One thing, however, was certain: the same victorious army, though greatly increased in numbers, that a few months before had wrapped this proud Capitol in flames, and laid siege to Baltimore-then the third city in the Union-was there. The same army that had marched unscathed through this populous region, abounding in resources, both of men and munitions, twenty-fold greater than General Jackson could command, was to be encountered, and the trial hour was at hand. This, sir, was no time to waste in protracted debate upon measures to be taken; no time, either, for making laws, or unravelling the "nice quillets" of laws already made. Dismay and confusion reigned predominant. The boldest doubted, and the timid despaired, of success. The commanding general saw that the fate of the city rested upon himself alone; and that, without a resort to extraordinary measures, it must inevitably be lost. He did not hesitate a moment; but met this, as he has done every other emergency, promptly, not blindly. Yes, sir, at this startling moment, when fresh dangers and difficulties were hourly thronging upon him -when the enemy, proud in their discipline, and confident in their numbers, were pressing forward as to certain victory-when the circle of fate seemed closing rapidly around him, and its very billows already breaking at his feet-as the only means of escape left him, he ventured to declare martial law. He saw that the arm of the civil authority, though nerveless for all purposes of good, might, if unrestrained, become potent in evil, (nor were his fears vain, as experience has proven,) and, therefore, he ventured to put it aside, as unsuited for the times, and to substitute martial law in its stead. He knew that if evil should grow out of it, that evil would fall most heavily on himself; but if good followed, that good would be his country's alone. Still, sir, he did not hesitate. For him, such an alternative had no terrors. The defence of a noble city had been intrusted to his skill and valor; and he would have felt himself a traitor to that trust, had he sacrificed it, by "implicit obedience," under the pressing exigencies of war, to laws formed for "piping times of peace." Sir, it were just as vain to hope for such obedience, at such an hour, as for rigid etiquette on board of a sinking man-of

war.

But whatever may be said as to the power or necessity of declaring martial law, none who witnessed its operation can doubt for a moment as to its beneficial results. All saw that a bold hand had taken the helm-whether rightfully or not, no one thought fit to inquire. All eyes were turned upon one man; and that man, looking as proud and unbending as though he were the very genius of the storm that was thickening around him, with the power to hush it by a whisper. The boldest heart beat bolder, and the coward felt himself possessed of spirit not his own. All felt the necessity of strict and prompt obedience. Confidence was renewed, and order sprung out of chaos. A guide star rose out of the gloom, and led the way to victory; and such a victory, sir, as finds no parallel even in the proud annals of this nation. All will at once conclude that I am alluding to the memorable 8th of January. Not so. I mean that of the 23d of December, in which General Jackson, at the head of two thousand undisciplined troops, met in the open field, and repulsed, more than double that number of England's choicest veterans. I am particular in saying that General Jackson led this attack; for it was but yesterday that a Whig friend of mine, and a member of this House, asked me, in sober earnest, whether the old chief was really there. Yes, sir, he was, in good truth, there; or, my word for it, none of his army would have been there. And now, Mr. Speaker, after a lapse of more than a quarter of a century, comes this cold hypercritical age to sit in judgment on the military character of a man who dared fight and win such a battle.

Fine on General Jackson-Mr. Butler.

Yes, sir, men who would turn pale at the flash of a musket, even if fired by themselves, coolly tell us that, notwithstanding General Jackson saved New Orleans against hopeless odds, and contrary to the expectation of a large majority of all who understood his true condition, still he was entirely deceived as to what he believed one of the main causes of that success. Of this class is the Ken

tucky pamphleteer. He first assumes that the only object of martial law was to prevent correspondence with the enemy, and then proceeds: "But if that was his object, he entirely failed in accomplishing what was intended; for he himself tells us it was ascertained from the British officers, after the peace, that they were fully informed of everything that happened in the city, from the first to last." This gentleman has certainly made a mistake, and whetted his sword on the back instead of the edge. If his argument is to have any weight, it must concede what its author has most strenuously denied throughout his entire pamphlet-that there were spies and traitors in New Orleans. And still it by no means follows, because these spies and traitors found means to elude the many precautions resorted to for the purpose of preventing their communication with the enemy, that these precautions were either unwise or improper. I leave this question to be settled by a liberal communitybetween a quibbling lawyer and a fighting general.

I now proceed to the second point in issue-the propriety of continuing martial law. I am well aware, sir, that there is a much greater contrariety of opinion on this point, than on that to which have been calling the attention of the House. I am inclined to believe that a large majority even of the Whig party consider the declaration of martial law as not only justifiable, but commendable; many of them also admit that it was properly enforced. A large portion of them, however, who justify its declaration on the ground of necessity, contend that it was continued too long, and after that necessity had ceased. To such, I beg leave to present a few considerations touching that necessity. The opinion of the commanding general is certainly entitled to great weight. To deny this, would be to contend that the pilot who has successfully guided his vessel over the darkling waves, and amidst the wildest tempests, is utterly unfit to decide upon the termination of the very tempests which he has so successfully buffeted. I need not say, sir, that in his opinion, and with all the lights he possessed, the continuance of martial law was just as essential to retain the advantages he had gained over the enemy, as its declaration was to win them in the first instance. True, sir, there was not that present and visible emergency. The enemy was not in sight; but was the necessity for vigilance and strict discipline, therefore, the less, when it was known that he lay in striking distance, able, and no doubt willing, to turn to his advantage every occurrence in the American army, if any should happen by which he might hope to wash out the disgrace he had sustained? As much weight as this opinion has with me, and ought to have with all who wish to form an impartial judgment, I do not intend to press it on this House. It is my purpose to meet the opponents of this bill upon a simple history of facts, which none of them will find it convenient to deny. When do they say martial law should have ceased its sway? Certainly not immediately after the battle of the 8th of January; for although the enemy were defeated with most terrible slaughter, leaving one-fourth of their whole number engaged, and three out of four of their generals dead or wounded on the field, and the

rest were seen

Baffled and broke, and rushing back To ocean, on their own red trackstill, sir, although they fled fast, they did not flee far. They soon recovered of their panic, and, resuming their old position, continued to growl back defiance from their deep-mouthed guns. Notwithstanding their heavy loss, they still more than doubled the force by which they had been defeated. General Jackson's effective force on the left bank of the Mississippi was, when the battle began, 3,700; that of the enemy was, at the same time, estimated at 9,000. None will then say that martial law should have ceased on the 8th, nor at any time while the enemy occupied their position in sight of our lines. Certainly not on the 17th of the same month, while they were yet bombarding Fort St. Philip, which commanded the Mississippi, and which taken, or passed, would have enabled their

H. of Reps.

vessels of war to reach New Orleans, and to have laid it in ashes in an hour after reaching it. Not yet on the 12th of February, when they were receiving the capitulation of Fort Bowyer, which left uncovered the bay and city of Mobile, and gave the enemy command of what I have before said was the most secure and certain point from which to renew their operations against New Or leans, by calling to their aid the numerous border ing tribes of hostile Indians. No, sir; not even then; but the moment the first news of peace reached New Orleans. So, at least, say the opporers of this bill, with one accord.

This news was received on the night of the 18th of February, was brought by Mr. Livingston, and came direct from the enemy. It is true, sir, there is an attempt made by Mr. Martin, and all others who have thought fit to believe him, and him only, to show that the same information was received from a different channel about the same time. The truth is, that Lord Cochrane's letter to General Jackson reached him, by the mouth of the Mississippi, a few days after his verbal communication of the same fact by Mr. Livingston, who came by the nearer lake route. Was this information, coming direct from the enemy, such as ought to have produced any change or relaxation in the measures of the American General? The enemy, who had in the mean time received a large reinforcement-equal, and more than equal, to the number he had lost in battle-had entire command of the neighboring seas and lay within a day's sail of New Orleans. If his intentions were peaceful, and his informa tion such as he could rely on himself, why did he not propose a cessation of hostilities to General Jackson, through Mr. Livingston? The fact that he did not do so, was, of itself, well calculated to make the impression that it was a mere stratagem of war; and if General Jackson, depending on such information, had relaxed his discipline, or disbanded his army, and thereby lost New Orleans, the very men who are now hunting him down for the course he deemed it prudent to pursue, I would have denounced him as a traitor for corresponding with, and taking counsel of, the enemy. Instead, however, of this report forming any pretext for the relaxation of discipine, it created a strong necessity for its more rigid enforcement. It was busily circulated mong the soldiery, that a treaty of peace had been concluded and ratified between the two countries, and that there was no longer any necessity for their continuing in the field; and they, of course, soon grew restless and impatient of restraint. Men for whom war had no terrors, now that the foe had disappeared, and the excitement produced by his presence had subsided, soon became tired of the necessary drudgery of the field. Their thoughts naturally turned from war to peace, and their own firesides rose tempting. ly and beautifully before them. The city troops, who should have been the last, were the first to manifest a spirit of insubordination. Many claimed leave to return to the city; and it is contended that they were entitled to this indulgence, as their families or friends resided there. The gay car nival season, too, was drawing to a close; and their national love of pleasure (for they were mostly of French origin) was too strong for their patriotism. Not having succeeded in their application to Gen. Jackson, many, who were known to be American citizens, applied to, and received protection of, the French consul, who invariably certified them to be citizens of France. Armed with these certificates, they demanded their discharge, leaving their brother soldiers from distant States to defend the very firesides which they were so eager to enjoy.

Such an example at such a time would have dis solved the army. An entire regiment, with the exception only of fifteen men, who were left to guard the very avenue by which the enemy had made his approach, had already abandoned that important position; and others, equally important, were partially deserted. In such a crisis, the commanding general could not hesitate. History, preg nant with warning, lay open to his view. Capua of old rose naturally before him; and the victor of Cann, with his rent garlands, admonished him that the ease and luxury of a petty town had conquered an army that had overcome both the Romans and the Alps. And was be to permit a grateful city, which had just been rescued from destruc tion by his own and the valor of his army, to become to that army what Capua had been to an invading enemy? Was he to permit that city, even

27TH CONG.... 3D SESS.

with the hand of kindness, to pluck from his own and his soldiers' brows the very laurels they had won in her defence? No, sir; his path of duty lay plainly before him, and he pursued it without delay or hesitation. All foreigners who had taken protection under the French consul were ordered to leave New Orleans forthwith, and the consul was ordered to go with them; for they were all doing their best to fill it with mutiny and dissension. Such as claimed to be foreigners, but who were found, upon an examination of the poll-books, to have voted at an election then but recently held in the city, were ordered to the lines, and compelled to perform the duty of soldiers. This course, however necessary and proper in itself, was well calculated to create discontent among the friends of that class to whom it particularly applied; and when perverted, (as it was,) to extend that discontent throughout the army. At this most favorable conjuncture, Louallier and Judge Hall made their appearance. I do not say they acted in concert, although this charge was made and believed by many at the time. They are now both in the grave; and I intend to say nothing of either, not warranted by proof, and essential to the merits of this case. Neither of them had raised a hand in defence of the country. Judge Hall, who, we are told by his admirers, (and I shall not contradict them,) was a mild, amiable man, left the city just before the British were expected; when confusion and dismay were seizing on all ranks and orders of men, which his presence and example might have done much to allay, and which his flight was but too well calculated to increase. Louallier, on the contrary, remained in the city. Still, sir, with the enemy before his eyes, and their cannon thundering daily and nightly in his ears, he struck not a blow in her defence. No; not even in the first battle, when he saw his countrymen going forth to combat against double their numbers of the best troops that Europe could boast, and when an armed man was worth his weight in gold. True, those gentlemen wereboth exempts; for one was a legislator, and the other a judge. In this condition of things, and on the 3d of March, Lonallier's publication arraigning the course of the commanding general, in the severest manner, as oppressive and unjust, exciting the troops to mutiny, and giving the enemy full notice of the extent to which it already prevailed, made its appearance in the Louisiana Gazette. His friends have contented themselves with calling this publication ill-timed and imprudent; General Jackson has designated it by much more appropriate, but far less glossing terms.

On the 5th of March, Louallier was put under arrest, and a court-martial ordered for his trial. Of this trial, my time will not permit me to speak; nor is it at all necessary, as it forms no one of the causes assigned by Judge Hall for inflicting the fine now under consideration. On the same day a writ of habeas corpus was sued out in favor of Louallier; and on that day, Judge Hall made the usual official endorsement, requiring General Jackson to appear before him, and show cause for his detention. General Jackson, instead of answering, retained the writ, and arrested the Judge. this arrest and this detention the fine was inflicted. Recollect, sir, that martial law was just as much in force on this day, as on the day it was first declared. Recollect, also, what I have before said, that the only news of peace had come direet from a defeated enemy; that this enemy, greatly reinforced, lay within a few hours' sail of New Orleans; and that no proposition for an armistice had been made by the British commander.

For

It is part of the history of the country, not to be controverted, that information of the treaty of Ghent first reached this city on the 14th of Feb. ruary, 1815. The following circular of Mr. Monroe, announcing that information, was at once prepared to be sent to the different commanding officers throughout the Union:

("CIRCULAR.")

"DEPARTMENT OF WAR, Feb. 14, 1815. "SIR: It is with great satisfaction I inform you that a treaty of peace was concluded between the United States and Great Britain, on the 24th day of December last. A copy of the treaty was received to-day by Mr. Carroll, has been examined by the President, and will, I have no doubt, be ratified. I give you this information, that hostilities may immediately cease hetween our troops and those of Great Britain. "I have the honor to be,

"Your most obedient servant,
"JAMES MONROE."

A copy of this circular was addressed to General Jackson, and a special courier despatched, for the purpose of insuring its speedy and safe delivery;

The Exchequer-Mr. C. J. Ingersoll.

but, on opening the packet, he found, instead of a communication announcing peace, an order to raise troops for a more vigorous prosecution of the war. Suppose, sir, this circular had been duly forwarded, and duly received: it was but a simple annunciation that a treaty of peace had been negotiated between the two countries, and not that it had been ratified by either. It wanted the confirmation of both, to make it of any avail; and it might still be rejected by both or either of the contracting parties. What is the effect of such a treaty, under the laws of nations? Will any gentleman on this floor undertake to say that, by these laws, the condition of belligerents would be in the slightest degree altered by it? None, I feel well assured. General Jackson had, however, received, from other sources, such information as satisfied him that a treaty had in fact been negotiated, and such as to create the hope that it had been ratified. This information, loose, and in advance of the truth, as it was, he at once communicated to General Lambert, and proposed a cessation of hostilities. How did the British General meet this proposition? The following extract from his letter, in reply, will best answer the interrogatory:

"His instructions would not allow him to enter into any written stipulation, or give publicity officially to a cessation of hostilities, until he received the intelligence from an accredited person from the British Government of the treaty having been ratified and exchanged, authorizing him to carry it into execution."

What more could General Jackson have done? Was he to disarm, while an enemy of thrice his force stood cased in steel, and ready for the combat? If he had done so, and General Lambert had taken New Orleans--which, as I have said, in the then state of the pending negotiation, he had the unquestioned right to do--what would have followed? Lambert would have received the order of knighthood from the British Government, and General Jackson the well-merited scorn and contempt of the American people.

The attitude in which he found himself placed by the non-arrival of Mr. Monroe's letter, and the various conjectures which were formed as to its real character, by those around him, rendered his condition embarrassing in the extreme. He however ventured to disband such of the Louisiana militia as had been levied in mass. They added but little to his efficient force, and had been called out in haste, and were but ill prepared for service. The following beautiful extract from his address to these troops, on the occasion, will serve to show the conflict in his mind between his duty to the country and his desire to comply with the wishes of his troops: "Although the commanding gen

eral has not received official advice that the state of war has ceased by the ratification of a treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain, he has persuasive evidence of the fact, and credits it at the risk of being misguided by his wishes." But why (ask those who are determined to oppose him, right or wrong,) discharge part of his army, and still continue martial law? I have already given the reason for discharging these troops; and surely the reduction of his force can form no pretence of excuse for relaxing the discipline of his diminished numbers, on whom the whole burden would necessarily fall.

But I am admonished that the sands of my allotted hour are nearly out, and that I must draw to a close. On the 13th of March official intelligence of the ratification of a treaty of peace duly arrived; and none pretend that General Jackson hesitated a moment longer to yield to civil authority and disband his army. Why should he have delayed? What was "a little brief authority" to him at any time, and particularly at a time like this? He had scarcely felt the cheer of his own fireside for the last three years, (and no man loved his own better.) His wife, too, had come to take him back; his friends and neighbors anxiously awaited his return, and General Gaines had for some time past been waiting to relieve him. Accustomed, however, to sacrifice his own to his country's good, nothing could seduce him from his post while his sense of duty told him he ought to remain. He continued just as long as was necessary to finish the work he had so nobly begun, and not one moment longer.

Before leaving New Orleans, however, General Jackson had to appear in a new, but by no means an uninteresting, character. Judge Hall and himself had now rightfully changed their relative positions. The civil authority, which had been rendered powerless under the pressing hand of war, had now.

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resumed its majesty, and its offended functionary his robes. On the 21st, General Jackson was summoned to appear before Judge Hall, to show cause why an attachment should not be awarded against him for the causes which I have before stated. On the 24th, he appeared, and made the effort, by attempting-as I have done-to show the necessity of declaring and enforcing martial law, in order to save the country. But having been denied this privilege, and required to shape his defence by certain arbitrary rules laid down by the court, he declined making any; simply saying to the Judge, "Your honor will not understand me as intending anything disrespectful to the court; but as no opportunity has been afforded me to explain the reasons and motives by which I was influenced, so is it expected that censure or reproof will constitute no part of that sentence which you may imagine it your duty to pronounce." (See Eaton, p. 419.)

The result is known to the world. Judgment was pronounced, and the thousand dollars paid. Much has been said--and too much cannot well be said-of the moral grandeur of this trial. It is doubtless the first instance in the history of the world, that a judge, while dealing out the vengeance of the law, was clinging to his victim for protection. Such, however, was the excitement and indignation of the vast crowd assembled on the occasion, and who were familiar with all the causes which led to the infliction of this fine, that General Jackson (who had but recently protected the Judge from a foreign enemy) now found it difficult to save him from the fury of his friends.

It was stated, on a former occasion, by the gentleman from Michigan, [Mr. HOWARD,] that the amount of this fine was repaid to General Jackson by the citizens of New Orleans. All the members from that State know this statement to be incorrect. It is true, that a grateful and spontaneous offering of the amount was made to him, and stands in beautiful contrast with the ex gratiâ thousand dollars recently proposed by their Senator, [Mr. CONRAD.] General Jackson, however, declined it; because he deemed he had an undoubted claim upon the justice of the nation, in whose service it had been inflicted, and into whose vaults it had been paid. No wonder, sir, they have been smitten with the curse of emptiness.

It will not be expected, after the able and eloquent speech of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. INGERSOLL,] that I should say anything as to the power of the Judge to inflict this fine. If the unlimited power, both of fine and imprisonment, without the intervention of a jury, really existand that, too, for offences not committed in the presence of a court, and when no court is in session-it is, indeed, a frightful power, and one that ought to be abolished.

But, for all my purposes, it is not important to settle either this question of power, or its rightful exercise. If I have been successful in my efforts to convince this House that the exigencies of the war, and the condition of the country in which it was waged, justified the resort to martial law, and that this fine grew out of that exercise, then have I achieved my purpose. For I cannot permit myself to doubt that Congress will hesitate a moment to restore to a faithful public servant that which has been taken from him, either by the hand of the law, or by violence, for the performance of an act admitted to be both necessary and properand that, too, while the nation are enjoying the full fruition of that act. The friends of General Jackson ask nothing of this House that can reflect, in the slightest degree, on Judge Hall; nor will they receive anything that can be construed into a reflection on General Jackson. Let them both stand where history and the opinions of men shall place them, and I am content.

REMARKS OF C. J. INGERSOLL,

OF PENNSYLVANIA.

In the House of Representatives, January 27, 1843.-On his motion to reconsider the bill amendatory of the several acts establishing the Treasury Department.

Mr. INGERSOLL renewed the motion to reconsider, in order to make a few observations on the subject. At an early day in the session, he had seized an occasion of declaring-first, that he could not vote for the exchequer recommended by the Executive; and, in the next place, that, while he could not deny the absolute constitutionality, he much questioned and disliked the presidentia

27TH CONG.......3D SESS.

practice of interference and urgency at all on a subject which, in origination and responsibility, belongs to the House of Representatives. He regretted to feel himself bound peremptorily to oppose what seemed to be a favorite plan of the President, because he acknowledged, that both as a member of the party with which he is associated, and as an American, he felt deeply indebted to the President for executive interposition on certain great and well-known emergencies. Let me add (said Mr. I.) that there is a view of Mr. Tyler's instrumentality which has not, perhaps, been presented, or, at any rate, not considered as it deserves.

A distinguished person, of whom I never speak, as I never feel, without respect for his long and great public distinction, has spoken reproachfully of the actual Chief Magistrate, as a President without a party; as if that were a demerit or infirmity. Now, I will not undertake to say whether a President can successfully administer the affairs of this country without a party; but this I will say, that the demise of a late President, and the accidental succession of the present incumbent, have triumphantly proved that, in an untried crisis, the Constitution works well; and that all its vital functions are performed, as usual, under circumstances, the analogy to which in other countries, with what are supposed to be stronger Governments, has always been found extremely hazardous. Not speaking as a member of any party, nor with reference to party considerations, but as an American Republican, it is highly gratifying to see, that even though the violence of party be aggravated, and without passing any judgment upon the measures of the present Administration as either good or bad; neither vindicating nor condemning them; and, I may add, without reference to the character of the present incumbent; yet, it is matter of much gratification to perceive that in the new crisis which made Mr. Tyler President, he has been the instrument (perhaps unconscious and unwilling) of affording further proof of Mr. Jefferson's assertion, that this is the strongest Government in the world. For this, I repeat, I feel much obliged to him; and desire to exhibit him, as I think he appears, with advantage before the country. And, coinciding as his Administration has with so many of the principles which I cherish, it is not without regret that i find myself constrained to oppose what appears to be one of its favorite measures for restoring the public credit and currency; and which I must oppose with the more pertinacity, because I think it is urged with an importunity not befitting executive authority, and encroaching upon the independence of this House, to which the Constitution confides, if not exclusive, yet superior, agency in all the monetary concerns of the country.

The chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means has said something to-day of the act of Congress of 1789 for organizing the Treasury Department. An excellent foundation, not as familiar; I fear, as it ought to be to this House and to the country at large. I have examined it repeatedly and thoroughly, with a strong impression that its organic provisions, enacted as they were by Ellsworth, Washington, Hamilton, Madison, and other members of the convention which created the Constitution, and just after its creation, contain the germs and basis of nearly all that is now necessary for the restoration and settlement of our dilapidated circulation; and that as it was by departing from the simple and solid provisions of that act the difficulties ensued, so by returning to them we shall find the most immediate, the safest, and surest remedy for these evils. By recommending a return to the act of 1789, I am not to be understood as suggesting the re-enactment of the independent treasury, as repealed by this Congress. I was always an unwavering adherent of the independent treasury, and still consider it, in principle, indispensable. But I am not wedded to the details of the law as enacted and repealed; and I confess that I have long been inclined to think that it never need have been made either a Presidential or a party question. Separating the Government from banks-the divorce, as it has been called-and the receiving, keeping, and disbursing the public money, without bank machinery, were original principles of this Federal Government, which are to be found, specie clause and all, in the act of 1789, upon which the convulsions of party, and the inherent vices of the banking system, have thrown us back; and if, as I would fain hope, a majority of Congress and of the country can be prevailed upon to meet harmoniously upon some extension of

The Exchequer Mr. C. J. Ingersoil.

those provisions, and their adaptation to existing circumstances, it will be the best pacification of party strife, the simplest restoration of the currency, and the most durable establishment of public prosperity.

Soon after the act of 1789, the Bank of the United States was unfortunately introduced by act of Congress. A resolution of this House, calling upon the Secretary of the Treasury for a report upon such measures as would tend to the benefit of the public credit, was taken advantage of, without any specific authority for that purpose, to introduce a bill for incorporating the subscribers to that institution, which, associated with the Government, became the depository of its funds, the regulator of its currency, and eventually in the well-known operations of the second Bank of the United States -the despotic arbiter of all the operations of the Government itself. Determined to treat this subject with undisguised truth, it is right to add, that a State bank interest was soon after originated, to counteract the influence of the Bank of the United States. Eminent citizens of Philadelphia, (among others, a gentleman who was afterwards a highly distinguished Secretary of the Treasury,) established the Bank of Pennsylvania; and others of the same party politics, (among whom was a wellknown personage, afterwards Vice President of the United States,) set on foot, with the same view, the Manhattan Bank of New York. By at least questionable encroachments, if not violations of constitutional interdict, banks, both national and State, were thus introduced, continued, and multiplied, with all the worst properties of modern banking, including the monstrous principle of inconvertibility, borrowed from the long English interregnum of bank suspension of specie payments, and a system of ruinous credit predominated, till the United States, and nearly every one of the States, have, by now wellnigh universal acknowledgment, been banked to the verge of destruction. The vices of the system, and the convulsions of party, have destroyed it nearly root and branch, throwing us back upon the aboriginal act of 1789, with the small remnant of the independent treasury, punishing embezzlement and other misdemeanors, which this Congress has not repealed. Here we are upon the foundation of that act once more, and let us be very careful how we depart from it. It has been for several years of great difficulty, with some slight posterior supplements, all the Federal Government has for the management of its finances; and I submit that it will be extremely rash to take any departure from it, without being well advised that it will be for the better.

What, then, does the President recommend, and with, I must say, undue pertinacity press on our adoption? A treasury bank. Yes, a treasury bank And though I confess that I have never been abie to see such a bank in the formidable aspect attributed to it by Madison, and many, if not most others of our wisest men, yet I have never hesitated to yield my opinion to theirs, and to look upon a treasury bank as a thing not to be adopted. The President's plan is not merely a treasury bank; but a treasury bank with a large, if not unrestricted, issue of paper money-inconvertible paper-continental notes--money to be made on the mere credit of Government; a measure altogether delusive of relief, either to the people or the Government; a Inost reprehensible mode of borrowing, which, if persisted in, must expire in depreciation, just as certainly as a falling body must continue to fall until it meets resistance; just as certain as the unquestionable fact, that no Government, ancient or modern, ever redeemed paper money issued on its own credit-paper money without taxes or other basis, a mere expedient, an exploded contrivance, a resort, a last shift, which Government, National and State, and individuals in this country have attenuated, exhausted, degraded, and debased, till it has become proverbial for all that is despicable, villanous, and abominable. And this treasury bank, with such paper money, is to have power to regulate our exchanges!--a power the most formidable, the most fearful--a power the most liable to abuse, the most creative of unprincipled circulation, the most stimulating of that criminal speculation which has been the curse of this country. Some years ago, a celebrated speech was made in this hall, by a distinguished member from the city of Philadelphia, in behalf of the Bank of the United States, the staple of whose able argument was an imposing view of the immense exchanges regulated by that great institution in the days of its ut

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most prosperity--a speech of which it was said the bank scattered one hundred thousand copies broadcast throughout every quarter of the United States. Its power of thus regulating the exchanges was afterwards ably exposed in one of Mr. Van Buren's excellent messages, as a most pernicious monopoly and stimulation of fictitious currency-having no reality, contributing nothing to the public property; but, on the contrary, ministering to the worst passions. And this is the power which the President calls on Congress to confer on the Executive! Never shall any President, with my vote, have such a power-liable to abuse enough in the hands of a bank, but infinitely more so in a national treasury. Some such measure as that reported by Mr. Cush. ing, I feel no great objection to; but never, never can I be reconciled to the Executive scheme; and I am extremely sorry to see that portion of the public press particularly supporting the President earnestly engaged in recommending and urging this scheme as a happy mean between a bank and the independent treasury. I perceive, with regret, not merely that it is an Administration measure, but that it appears to be pressed upon us with all the power and influence of the Administration, which, I am bold to say, is with me additional ar gument against it. With no personal disrespect to the President--enjoying pleasant personal relations with him, and with every disposition to support his measures, as I have frequently shown by my votes, and sometimes by more than votes, desirous of coincidence in political sentiment with him,-I cannot subscribe to his treasury project.

In fact, Mr. Speaker, I much question the wis dom of any immediate action at all on this delicate and dangerous subject; strongly inclining to think the act of 1789, for the present, the safest and best platform we can rest upon; and, with modifications, all that, under any circumstances, we should at tempt to impose upon the community. Has this House considered the provisions of that act with the attention to which they are entitled? Has the good sense of the community been awakened to them? It establishes not only an independent treas. ury, but an independent Secretary of the Treasury; and, more than all, an independent House of Rep resentatives. It gives the Treasurer of the United States the custody of the public moneys; takes care that those moneys shall consist of coin alone, according to the Constitution; providing for their safekeeping and disbursement much better than they can be kept by any corporators, or other irresponsible individuals. Without being a treasury bank of issue, discount, or exchequer, it is a treasury bank of deposite and safekeeping, guarded by checks and securities, such as it is not easy to improve, or relinquish without danger. There is a clause in the act, which, possibly, even honorable gentlemen of this House, and which, I am sure, most of the good people of this country are not aware of, authorizing the House, at all times, instead of allowing the Secretary of the Treasury to furnish required information in writing, to command his attendance at the bar of the House; and there, face to face, to question him as to the finances, the funds, and whatever else appertains to the mone tary concerns of the United States. This great and peculiar power conclusively proves-what those who enacted that law deemed it-the constitutional function and authority of this House to control the Treasury Department, enacted the responsibility of that department to this House, and what it deemed the money and the proper custody of the money of the Government. Once more I repeat, that it will be not without much hesitation that I consent to any departure from these fundamental arrangements. If the course of events since has been such-if public sentiment and habit since have become so inveterate as to require some modifica tion or enlargement of the act of 1789, especially now that all banks, whether Federal or State, are out of repute, let us take no step without the utmost caution, and none that is not indispensably neces sary; for whatever we do, must be experimental and doubtful. The act of 1789, for now near half a century, has remained unaltered; and is likely to continue in force, as it is now in force, trom the extreme difficulty and hazard of supplying its place with anything better, if so good. Suitable modifica tions and extensions may be practicable; but, com pared with the treasury project recommended by the President, it is infinitely preferable.

In addition to Presidential recommendation and urgency, and to Treasury suggestion of the exchequer scheme, we have had an argument from the

27TH CONG......3D SESS.

Secretary of State, in a speech of which so much has been said on this floor that I cannot refrain from also taking some notice of it. That gentleman had long by his admirers been denominated a god-like person for his great intellectual attributes; which panegyric, transcended by the western orientalism of this House, has been exaggerated by such hyperbolical extolling as to compare him to mountains and giants, Vesuvius, Mont Blanc, Titan, Tyger, Samson, and other similar, as it appears to me, most extravagant notice of his supposed superiority.

tures.

He said of himself, it seems, in a somewhat similar strain of self-complacency, that, if there is anything he understands, it is this particular subject. Now, however bold it may be to take issue with such a giant, I utterly deny (judging from what he said in that speech) that he does understand the subject. At all events, I hope it will not be extremely immodest for me to declare that, if he understands it as well as he boasts he does, I don't understand it at all. He says he is a bullionist; which I deny, for no man can be a bullionist who attempts to defend inconvertible paper-money. He may have studied, as he says he did in early life, the English bullion controversy, in which Vansittart and his adherents insisted that paper is better than coin; and he may have sided with their opponents, that bullion is better than paper, and, alone or convertible, makes money. But that no more entitled him to proficiency in the science, than a man would become a learned divine by the study of sermons, without ever reading the scripNor do I consider it at all rash or unbecoming in even so humble a person as I am, to deny that any man understands this subject, whatever he may think or say of his own understanding to an audience at Faneuil Hall, who, after insisting on the virtues of paper money as proof of his bullionism, declares that it would be a wise regulation of the monetary concerns and private interests of this country to superadd to that enormity the executive regulation of all its incalculable exchanges. He may be Vesuvius, Mont Blanc, Titan, Tyger, or Samson Agonistes; and there may be those who pronounce such speeches the emanations of a master mind; but I have no hesitation whatever at calling them crudities, and exposing them as puerilities-the ebullitions of egotism, relying on the ipse dixit of a master-not a master mind-for issuing as true what is unquestionably and manifestly not so. The Secretary of State pledged his reputation that, on a short trial of this panacea, (which he claimed as his own patent medicine,) it would prove an infallible cure, and give immediate relief to a distempered and prostrate community. Of that, sir, I have not the least doubt. If that gentleman-or it would be more proper to say, if I were to take the relief of intoxication for any distress I might be laboring under, I should probably have the ease and comfort which such a resort adminis'ers; and, while it lasted, be happy, merry, content, and free from all complaint. But as our friend (the president of the temperance society) near me, [Mr. BRIGGS,] I think, will agree, the relief and happiness would be extremely short-lived, and not very creditable; and I should soon be more miserable than ever, with aggravated prostration of the whole system, terrible headache, and still more terrible remorse of disordered intestines. In the suggestion of such relief as this, I must say there is no evidence of that wise familiarity with this simple subject arrogated to himself by the Secretary of State, and seeming to be conceded to him by those who merely deny his consistency, without going further and denying, as I make bold to do, that either his scheme or his speech shows that his is the master mind which he and others say it is. As Secretary of State, and quasi Secretary of the Treasury, I must deny all odor of that arrogated mastery, whatever there may have been of Senatorial supremacy formerly. I deny that to the lieges of Boston there were any masterly illustrations of a hackneyed subject, or anything more than egregious misrepresentation of it, in its most expansive and delusive aspects, such as the pupils of Vansittart, and other anti-bullionists, might rejoice in.

The distress of the country has been alarmingly depicted by the honorable gentleman who preceded me, [Mr. BURNELL;] and, sensible that the country, if not actually distressed, is so constantly told that it is, as to believe so, and to think, perhaps, that Congress can relieve it, I came here determined to listen patiently to all plans suggested for that pur

The Exchequer-Nr. C. J. Ingersoll.

pose; to give them all opportunity of consideration; and if any one can be shown likely to do better than the act of 1789, to vote for it. I have heard, however, of no approximation to such plan, except that of Mr. CUSHING, which comes so nigh that act and the independent treasury that, possibly, it may do. But I own my distrust of all action at present; for I feel free to declare that the terrible suffering of the community has been, and continues to be, salutary-the only lesson that could bring it to contession of error, and sincere resolution of amendment. It is worth volumes of legislation, this bitter experience. Besides, is the country as much distressed as it is said to be? No doubt stagnation, penury, and discomfort, the rich reduced to comparative want, and the poor to want of employment, prevail in cities, towns, and wherever bank influence disasters business, as it does, with extensive and deplorable sweep, smiting right and left with destruction. But is this the condition of the farming populationof the laboring classes, except in certain placesof agriculture at large, the basis of all other occupation and supply? Is not the country recovering from the prostration inflicted by bank credits, and their strumpet twin sister, bank frauds? Though the circulation is reduced to the coin standard, and there are banks enough left standing to keep much of that standard out of use, hid in their dark vaults, is it true that the country is not slowly recovering? And will not spontaneous recovery be much more stable and substantial than if Government attempts to hasten it by that Dædalian flight which Adam Smith mentions? I much incline to believe that the best thing we can do is to keep the doctors off, and let the patient alone in convalesWe must give time. Time is an important element in the revival. Letting the country repose, and reinstate itself, is much better than treasury nostrums and hastening stimulants. Remember that all legislation must be prospective, experimental, and, perhaps, perilous; whereas, as it is, the community is aroused to the reality, is convinced of it, is taking care of itself; is gradually, intelligently, and substantially rising to permanent prosperity; has done much, has learned much, is learning and doing more, and has abundance of resources and good sense to do the rest. Is it palsied, as was said by Mr. BURNELL? prostrate, paralyzed, incapable of recovering without help from Government? I think not-I trust not-I feel sure not. Last season was one of great production--probably the most so ever known-in cotton, grain, flesh, everything; and though prices were low, yet they will improve, and are probably now remunerating, while no treasury hocus-pocus can render them profitable. Government cannot, by any contrivance, suddenly raise them, without liability to as sudden decline; and let us have the manliness to say to the people that they must help themselves, without assistance from Congress. Mother Earth, and her eldest son, Labor, are the great, if not only, reliance.

cence.

If the Secretary of State, instead of expending his master mind, if such it be, on treasury projects, would bestow it upon objects pertaining to his own department of Government, in fostering and extending that commerce which it was the great design of this Union to develop, he would exhibit more attention to the public welfare than by any irregular attempts, through exchequer schemes, to expand that currency which, without extensive commerce, can never prosper. Such arrangements may, I think, be made with other countries as would greatly increase the foreign commerce of the United States. Our exchequer may be placed in Europe, in Asia, and in South America, by increasing the export of those inestimable staples which are the great sources of national wealth and American prosperity. Instead of eighty or ninety millions of exports, why should there not be one hundred and fifty millions a year sent out of the country, and nearly as much brought back again-much of it in coin, in return for cotton, grain, flesh, rice, lumber, and other articles of which we have a superabundance, and other parts of the world are in want? Why may not this be done, even in less time than any speculative restoration of the currency by expansion? What is there to prevent its being the work of even the present Administration, which in its remaining two years may more readily restore the finances of the country, by devoting its talents (and it has talents) to the legitimate purpose of extending commerce, rather than stimulating circulation? If all the energies of the Department of State, and those

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of the present Secretary, were earnestly devoted to this accomplishment, I see nothing to prevent its rapid success, with more certainty, and in less time, through the agency of that department, than the Treasury. By commercial improvement, relief will be obtained through the great arterial system of the country, beginning at its heart, by natural means, and every pulsation would be healthful; whereas, by the superficial process of a stimulated circulation, the surface and extremities only are dealt with, and the result is necessarily doubtful, and even probably pernicious. Let us act on the heart, not the extremities. Among the numerous rumors with which the air of this metropolis is always agitated, conjecture is afloat that the Secretary of State is to be sent abroad on a special mission, to make a commercial treaty with England, desirous, it is said, of dealing with the United States on the basis of reciprocity, and an equal ex-· Without change of our productions for theirs. giving any opinion on the policy of such an arrangement, it is, at all events, worthy of consideration by the best talents of the country; and, for one, 1 am ready to vote the necessary appropriation for the Secretary's foreign mission. [To get rid of him," said some one.] No, sir, not to get rid of him; but to send him on a most important errand, where I hope his talents may be useful, and where I am sure they would be much better employed than by making speeches at Boston on the state of the finances and of parties. I take leave here, in my place, ex cathedra, to recommend his attention to the legitimate purposes of the Department of State, and to give up those of the Treasury Department, for which his speech at Faneuil Hall displayed no remarkable aptitude. Finance is not

his forte.

It is quite a misapprehension of the state of the country to suppose that it has gained nothing by the uses of adversity within the last few years. The Secretary of State now acknowledges that a United States bank is an obsolete idea. How long is it since he used to say that a note of that bank was better than gold or silver? Will gentlemen say that nothing is gained by such progress as this?-such march of master minds? With no view of making a President, but because of its excellent instruction? I confess that I desire that the present state of things, if its inflictions be not too severe, may continue a little longer, till the last lingering attachment to the detestable infatuation of making money out of inconvertible paper, and wealth out of speculation, may be completely and utterly extirpated. Are gentlemen aware that such has been the long usurpation of paper money in this country, that the late war with England was carried on by it, almost as much as the war of the Revolution! I have taken the trouble, latterly, to ascertain, from authentic sources, that one hundred and twenty millions in loans and treasury notes were raised by acts of Congress during the three years of the latter war, which are nearly equal in relative proportion to the three hundred and sixty millions of continental money issued during the former. The debt of the war of 1812 is all paid, to be sure; while that of the war of 1776 remains, and will forever remain unsatisfied. Such is the history of the United States-the history of a wonderful nation whose bane has been infatuated predilection for paper-money, notwithstanding the most abundant indigenous means of commanding the precious metals, controlling the commerce of the world, and rendering it tributary to North American advancement, which, great as it has been, has been greatly retarded by this infatua

tion.

Mr. Speaker, with these hasty views--and I am perfectly sensible of their extreme imperfections-I come to a conclusion. No member of this wild House can come to it prepared to present methodical arguments. Nothing here is certain but overruling uncertainty. There is no such thing as debate, and hardly any discussion. Whoever addresses the country in this brilliant bog of a hall, must bring all his speeches of the whole session jumbled together in his mind, and utter chancemedley whichever happens to come foremost. In this desultory way I have ventured to say something to-day. I repeat, that the admirable act of 1789 is nearly all we need, and that I fear departures from its excellent and familiar organization. I am inalienably devoted to the principle of the independent treasury, and cannot be divorced from it-divorce of the State from all banks, and inseparable union of it with coin. But I am not wedded to the law as