committee-Mr. W. B. Ponsonby's resolutions for parlia - by the rebels-Consternation at Wexford on the approach of CHAP. VIII. Administration of Marquis Cornwallis. p.488 ་་ tions-Mr. Sheridan opposes the minister, and proposes two resolutions-Mr. Sheridan renews his motion respecting the con- sent of both parliaments-Mr. Sheridan proposes a substitute for union-Conference of the two houses upon the subject of union -Mr. Foster's popularity for opposing the union-Adjourn- ence with the Commons-Proceedings of the Irish parliament; Motion in favour of Mr. Judkin Fitzgerald-Regency Bill- General measures for and against union-Prorogation of parlia- ment, and the lord-lieutenant's speech-Internal state of Ire- land-Efforts to oppose to the union-Effects of the preparatory steps for union-Con- sequences of the minister's majority-Meeting of parliament after adjournment-Message from the lord-lieutenant about union-The plan carried in the peers-Debated in the com- mons-Irish parliament assents to the articles of union- Articles of union brought before the British parliament- Compensation for Borough property-Union bill passed in the THE HISTORY OF IRELAND, FROM THE INVASION OF HENRY II. TO ITS INCORPORATE UNION WITH GREAT BRITAIN, BOOK III. COMPRISING THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE COMPLE.. TION OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1688, AND THE CHAPTER I. Revolution and Ireland The Reigns of William and Mary, and William. The revolution, which changed the dynasty, and 1691. ascertained some rights of the British people, which had been infringed by the crown, is generally re- in England ferred to by the date of its commencement in Eng- different. land in 1688. As to Ireland, it was not effected till the surrender of Limerick, which left William and Mary in possession of the whole kingdom. Ireland did not pass from the hands of James by any 1692. revolutionary measure, whether of abdication, invita tion, or expulsion, but by force of arms. Hence William's title arose by right of conquest. This revolution, such as it was, opens to our view a new scene of Irish politics. Whatever civil advantages were gained or established by it in England, vainly do the Irish look up to it as the commencement or improvement of their constitutional liberty. Then, more than ever, was Ireland treated as a conquered country, its independence violated, its national consequence and dignity debased. It appears to have been the systematic policy of the British cabinet of that day, not only to trample on the rights of individuals, through their immediate governors, but to extinguish the very idea of an independent legislature in Ireland *. Mr. Burke, viewing this situation of his country as a states man and a philosopher, has left a masterly portrait of it. (Letter to Sir Her. Lang. p. 44.) “ By the total reduction of the king. dom of Ireland in 1691, the ruin of the native Irish, and in a great measure too of the first races of the English, was completely accomplished. The new interest was settled with as solid a stability as any thing in human affairs can look for. All the penal laws of that unparalleled code of oppression, which were made after the last event, were manifestly the effects of national hatred and scorn towards a conquered people, whom the victors delighted to trample upon, and were not at all afraid to provoke. They were not the effects of their fears, but of their security. They, who carried on this system looked to the irresistible force of Great Britain for their support in their acts of power. They were quite certain, that no complaints of the natives would be heard on this side of the water with any other sentiments than those of contempt and indignation. Their cries served only to augment their torture. Machines, which could answer their purposes so well must be of an excellent con. |