arrest the inquisition now making by the people of this nation into this abuse inveterated by two hundred years of disgraceful duration? Strange resolve! Strange expectation! Persisted in, nothing could furnish stronger evidence of that dementation in a community, which, it is said, is the forerunner of its destruction. Already is the subject of slavery infixed on the minds of the American people. Hæret lethalis arundo-you might as well command the lungs not to inhale the surrounding atmosphere for which nature made them, and by whose inspirations they perform their functions, as the public mind not to welcome a discussion, so well fitted to call forth its energies and engage its noblest powers. Neither Southern legislation, dictated by passion and written in blood-nor yet its most faithful execution-any more than the brickbats and bludgeons and city mobs of the North, can exclude it. A decision will be made-it is with you to make it one of tremendous calamity-to yourselves; or one which shall raise this whole nation from her dishonorable dust, and show her to the world clothed in the garments of love, and honor, and mercy, and truth. Come, then, and like men, gird yourselves for the contest, and let it be one of reason and of mind—not of passion and abuse. On you, especially, devolves the duty of aiding in the investigation. You have an inexhaustible store of facts—you profess, alone, to understand it, and make light of the pretensions of others. You cannot escape the guilt of a refusal. I invite you, without cost, to the use of the Philanthropist. Through its columns your voice may be raised, and your arguments carried to the remotest corner of the land.

To such of you as are called by the name of Christ, and through you to all others in the South, coming under the same description, I desire affectionately to address the

with you as it is now. that for two hundred mind in relation to the

Whom does

last words of this reply. You are brought, in God's providence, to a fearful crisis. Never, before, has it been His light has chased the darkness years brooded over the American oppression of our brother. The signs of the times give assurance that this sin is to be banished not only from our own country, but from the world. It will be done by human instrumentality. In every great work of reform, on whom does God bestow the honor of beginning it? On his Church. Of whom does he ask sacrifices of love? Of his Church-of those for whom he has forgiven much. On whom does he call for leaders in his works of righteousness? On his Church; on those for whom he gave his Son to die. he summon to take the first step, though it call for selfdenial, and be beset with peril even unto death? His Church-those to whom he said nothing shall harm you.' Yet you refuse:-you not only refuse, but you stand in the breach, beating back the friends of righteousness, with the very influence God bestowed on you to be used only in warfare for Him. And what is your excuse? It will ruin the country-immediate righteousness will desolate the South, and convert its rich fields into heathen deserts. this plea true? Has God ever required righteous action from any people and left them to suffer for their obedience? All history says, No. But, admit it to be true, and that you are brought to suffer in your estate, to have your ease broken in upon, and your temporal enjoyments curtailed. What of that? Granted the condition is a bad one. But one, infinitely worse is, to live and to die in the perpetration of a sin, against which God has, more than against any other, uttered his hot displeasure, and to appear with it, unrepented of, at his judgment seat. Will you, can you venture your soul's salvation there, on this

Is

plea-that, breaking the bands of slavery which you have fastened on your brother, will injure you in your circumstances, or that you will be under the necessity of removing, with your families, to some more Northern clime, less genial to your health and habits? You cannot, as a Christian, you know you dare not-nay, you know it would be better for you at once to surrender claim of property in 'the widows, the fatherless, the stranger, and the poor' to them, its rightful owners; to abandon your plantations, and all the apparatus for their culture, with your crops of cotton, and rice, and sugar, as spoil to your first successors, and fly for a residence to the coldest regions of the North, than die, defying the Almighty in this thing.

your

That the Lord may accompany the foregoing remarks with his blessing, and make them instrumental in the advancement of his glory on earth--of your best interests, and those of our country, is the earnest desire of your friend and fellow-citizen.

Cincinnati, Dec. 9, 1835.

JAMES G. BIRNEY.

PROTEST OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.

To the President of the United States:

SIR,-In your message to Congress of the 7th instant, are the following passages: 'I must also invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the South, by attempts to circulate through the mails, inflammatory appeals, addressed to the passions of the slaves, in prints and in various sorts of publications, calculated to stimulate them to insurrection, and produce all the horrors of a servile war. There is, doubtless, no respectable portion of our countrymen, who can be so far misled as to feel any other sentiment than that of indignant regret, at conduct so destructive of the harmony and peace of the country, and so repugnant to the principles of our national compact, and to the dictates of humanity and religion.' You remark, that it is fortunate that the people of the North have 'given so strong and impressive a tone to the sentiments entertained against the proceedings of the misguided persons who have engaged in these unconstitutional and wicked attempts.' And you proceed to suggest to Congress, 'the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern states, through the mails, of incendiary publications, intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection.'

A servile insurrection, as experience has shown, involves the slaughter of the whites, without respect to sex or age. Hence, sir, the purport of the information you

have communicated to Congress, and to the world, is, that there are American citizens who, in violation of the dictates of humanity and religion, have engaged in unconstitutional and wicked attempts to circulate, through the mails, inflammatory appeals, addressed to the passions of the slaves, and which appeals, as is implied in the object of your proposed law, are intended to stimulate the slaves to indiscriminate massacre. Recent events irresistibly confine the application of your remarks to the officers and members of the American Anti-Slavery Society and its auxiliaries.

On the 28th of March, 1834, the Senate of the United States passed the following resolution :

'Resolved, That the President, in relation to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself authority and pow er not conferred by the Constitution and laws, but in derrogation of both.'

On the 5th of the ensuing month, you transmitted to that body your solemn protest' against their decision. Instructed by your example, we now, sir, in behalf of the Society, of which we are the constituted organs, and in behalf of all who are associated with it, present to you this, our solemn protest' against your grievous and unfounded accusations.

"

Should it be supposed, that in thus addressing you, we are wanting in the respect due to your exalted station, we offer, in our vindication, your own acknowledgment to the Senate: Subject only to the restraints of truth and justice, the free people of the United States have the undoubted right as individuals, or collectively, orally, or in writing, at such times and in such language and form as they may think proper, to discuss his (the President's) official conduct, and to express and promulgate their opinions concerning it.'