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duty, to state to you the sentiments of those of the Catholic prelates in Great Britain, with whom I have had an intercourse on this subject, as well as the opinion of those ministers with whom I have had interviews or correspondence.

I have the pleasure to enclose an extract of the last letter of that respectable prelate, Dr. Hay, who has chiefly been the organ of conveying the sentiments of his colleague, Dr. Chisholm, who, with Dr. Hay, has certified the documents I transmitted to the King's ministers. In the commencement of the same letter, Dr. Hay says, "But what particularly attracted my admiration, and excited in my heart the warmest sensations of gratitude and respect, was the humane reception with which his Grace the Duke of Portland received your application in our favour. It shows how much his Grace partakes of the benevolent dispositions of his royal master, and of his paternal concern for the happiness of all his people."

The Duke of Portland, you will recollect, as being charged with the Home Department, is the minister to whom such communications were to be made officially; and I had the pleasure to find the same favourable sentiments in Mr. Secretary Dundas. The point yet to be settled is the mode of administering suitable relief consistent with the popular prejudices, which are still but too common in that part of Great Britain.

From my correspondence with the Catholic prelates in Scotland, and my communication here with Dr. Douglas, the prelate charged with the London District, I find there is but one opinion of the great advantage of an establishment of such provision or relief as can be afforded by Government to the Catholic clergy, both in North and South Britain; and you will see in the enclosed extract, that the worthy prelate, Dr. Hay, anticipates with rapture the great consolation which your most respected and venerable Chief Pastor, in the midst of his afflictions, will derive from the information of such an act of benevolence.

Indeed, with respect to the See of Rome, we want no new

VOL. III.

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proof of its ready acquiescence in any measures of regulation the King's Government may think advisable, which do not interfere with the established doctrine or universal discipline of your Church. No person has more strongly inculcated this truth than yourself in your very excellent pastoral letters, particularly in that of the 18th February, 1798, which I considered so well adapted to disabuse the public mind in this country some time since, that I published a short extract of it, with a suitable introduction, and had it circulated with the effect it merited. I have the pleasure to enclose a copy of that little publication. We therein see your venerable Sovereign Pontiff, directing that even the Pontifical oath, prescribed in the Roman ritual, should be altered to obviate the construction which had injudicially obtained, to the prejudice of your religion and its professors.

But I need not recite to you the various instances of the candour and liberality, which the good Pius VI. has manifested, on many occasions, highly interesting to his Majesty's Government and his Catholic subjects. They are, in fact, as multiplied as have been the vulgar prejudices against every thing connected with the See of Rome. "If the present state of the world has not taught us better things," (said once to me an estimable friend, speaking to this point) "our error is very much our fault."

The concession of national superiors of the British and Irish Seminaries in Rome, and the acquiescence of the Pope in the recommendations in favour of two Cardinal Protectors of the English Catholic Clergy from the English resident agents, in the name of their constituents, are eminent examples, as they involved a striking departure from a long established practice, which materially affected the patronage and interest of persons of high consideration at Rome. It is a remarkable fact that Cardinal Campanelli was nominated protector of the English Catholics, against the express recommendation of the Cardinal York in favour of the Pope's own nephew, Cardinal Braschi.

On the death of Cardinal Campanelli, a few months afterwards, when the Cardinal York no longer interfered, I ventured (being on the spot) to suggest to the English agents to request the nomination of Cardinal Braschi: the Pope was extremely pleased with this compliment to his family, and the Cardinal did not disappoint my expectations, as he very warmly supported the reform of the Colleges, which I had so urgently solicited. In fact, Cardinal Braschi had no particular habits with the Cardinal York, whose recommendation before was merely complimentary to the Pope.

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Having mentioned the reform of the Colleges (though you have seen much of my correspondence on that occasion, in which I had the satisfaction of ultimately succeeding), I must beg to repeat my declaration of the only motives which could have influenced me to go to that extent of perseverance. thought it extremely important that the national youth transferred to Rome, at the tender age of ten or a dozen years, and destined to exercise the functions of the Priesthood in his Majesty's dominions, should have all the advantages of an education in the civil principles of the established government; while they received, on the other hand, a clerical education, suited to their future destination. They could not hope for such an education under Italian superiors; they might, under British or Irish subjects, recommended as proper persons to be entrusted with so important a charge by the National Catholic Prelacy of Great Britain and Ireland. Such an education offers more solid security in such a case than the mere establishment of an oath of allegiance.

I find myself returning to a length which was not my design when I sat down; but the subject is tempting, and I will yet trespass a little farther.

In conversation with those of his Majesty's Ministers with whom I am most in habits, I had the pleasure to hear that nothing was more distant from their ideas than any establishment in Ireland which could tend to countenance insubordi

nation in any class of your clergy; indeed, it was not possible that such an idea could have entered their minds. Though I admit it is possible that a fixed establishment of allowances, unsubjected to the control, in certain instances, of your Prelacy, might have sometimes tended to such effect; on the contrary, however, the measures in speculation, I understand, must, if adopted, necessarily strengthen the due influence of your superior Clergy, the Catholic Metropolitans and other Prelates becoming the natural organs of the provision, and their opinions on such a subject ever meeting with due consideration and deference from the Ministers of the Crown.

The other objection is almost too futile to speak of, viz., "that, by accepting the projected establishment, the Catholic Clergy would be considered as more dependent than at present on the Government, and, of course, becoming mere instruments of Ministers."

This objection, I am persuaded, was never suggested by any of those respectable prelates, whose multiplied pastoral letters have reflected so much credit on themselves, and must have been highly beneficial to the country, even in these distracted times.

I cannot persuade myself but they do think that a public national provision for their order is highly in character, both for Government itself and the dignity of your prelacy. The general interest of the State and your own weight and consequence appear, to my humble apprehension, to be most intimately connected with such an establishment. It would naturally produce that frequency and freedom of communication between your Metropolitan Clergy and his Majesty's Ministers, which must daily improve and ripen into reciprocal confidence.

I had written thus far when your friend, Mr. Fallon, called on me, and showed me your letter of the 31st December. I was very happy to be informed of the sentiments it expressed, and have no doubt that this business will be agitated with every

deference to its importance, and with all the temper, and candour, and judgment which, I am persuaded, reside in your Prelacy: I own I cannot but anticipate great benefit to the Catholics from the proposed Union, and am persuaded that their conduct, on the present occasion, will be decisive of their future advantages. But this is too wide a subject to discuss in a letter.

I will only add, to this long intrusion, the most perfect assurance of my respect and every disposition which can contribute to further the real interests of your Catholic fellowsubjects. I am satisfied that their real interests are so much in unison with the interests of every good subject of the King, that I hazard nothing in making this declaration. I have seen great progress made within a few years, and glory in being the fortunate instrument in restoring harmony between two Governments, alienated for more than two centuries. I grieve that the baneful influence of French anarchy has so materially checked the progress of those benefits which we had a right to consider as inseparable from the improving habits of correspondence between the Courts of London and Rome.

You will see that part of your inquiry, in your last letter to Mr. Fallon, is answered in the preceding pages. I will vouch for the opinions of the British Catholic Prelates to the extent I have stated; and I am satisfied that the venerable and much injured Chief of your Church will fully justify the prediction of Dr. Hay's letter, if a full and candid statement of the proposed measure be transmitted to him. May I beg you, my dear sir, to present my respects to those of your worthy colleagues who have been most accustomed to be acquainted with my correspondence, though indirectly-I mean, Dr. Egan,1 Dr. Moylan, Dr. Bellew, &c. Most ardently do I pray for the restoration of order in your distracted country. In 1 Catholic Archbishop of Tuam. 2 Catholic Bishop of Cork.

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3 Catholic Bishop of Killala.

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