which the vessels were built, were purchased from Great Britain; and that the net proceeds of the whole were remitted thither. All this information was disregarded. After much opposition in both houses, and a protest in the house of lords, the bill was, by a great majority, finally ratified. So intent were the ministry and parliament on the coercion of the colonists, that every other interest was sacrificed to its accomplishment. They conceived the question between the two countries to be, simply, whether they should abandon their claims, and at once give up all the advantages arising from overeignty and commerce, or resort to violent measures for their security.

Since the year 1769, when a secretary of state officially isclaimed all views of an American revenue, little mention had been made of that subject; but the decided majority, who voted with the ministry on this occasion, emboldened lord North once more to present it to the view of his countrymen. He, therefore, brought into parliament a scheme, which had the double recommendation of holding forth the semblance of conciliation, and the prospect of an easement of British taxes, by a productive revenue from the colonies. This resolution passed on the 20th of February, and was as follow

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Resolved, that, when the governor, council, and assembly, or general court, of any of his majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose to make provision accordng to the condition, circumstances, and situations of such province or colony, for contributing their proportion for the common defence, such proportion to be raised under the authority of the general court or general assembly of such province or colony, and disposable by parliament, and shall engage to make provision, also, for the support of the civil government, and the administration of justice in such province or colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his majesty, and the two houses of parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may

be expedient to continue to levy or to impose for the regulation of commerce; the net produce of the duties last mentioned, to be carried to the account of such province or colony. respectively."

This was introduced by the minister, in a long speech, in which he asserted, that it would be an infallible touch-stone to try the Americans. “If,” said he, “ their opposition be only founded on the principles which they pretend, they must agree with this proposition; but if they have designs in contemplation, different from those they avow, their refusal will convict them of duplicity." The opposition to the minis ter's motion originated among those who had supported him in previous questions. They objected to the proposal, that, in effect, it was an acknowledgment of something grievous in the idea of taxing America by parliament; and that it was, therefore, a departure from their own principles. They contended, that it was improper to make concessions to rebels, with arms in their hands; or to enter into any measures for a settlement with the Americans, in which they did not, as a preliminary, acknowledge the supremacy of parliament. The minister was likely to be deserted by some of his partizans, till others explained the consistency of the scheme with their former declarations. It was said, "what shall parliament lose by acceding to this resolution? Not the right of taxing America; for this is most expressly reserved. Not the pro-. fitable exercise of this right; for it proposed to enforce the only essential part of taxation, by compelling the Americans to raise not only what they, but what we, think reasonable. We are not going to war for trifles, and a vain point of honour; but for substantial revenue." The minister further declared, that he did not expect his proposition to be generally. relished by the Americans. But, said he, if it do no good in the colonies, it will do good here. It will unite the people of England, by holding out to them a distinct object of revenue. He added further, as it tends to unite England, it is likely to disunite America: for if only one province accept the offer, their confederacy, which only makes them formidable, will be broken.

The opposers of ministry attacked the proposition, with the combined force of wit and argument. They animadverted on the inconsistency of holding forth the same resolution as a measure of concession, and as an assertion of authority. They remarked, that, hitherto, it had been constantly denied, that they had any contest about an American revenue; and that the whole had been a dispute about obedience to tradelaws, and the general legislative authority of parliament: but now ministers suddenly changed their language, and proposed to interest the nation; and console the manufacturers, and animate the soldiery, by persuading them, that it is not a contest for empty honour, but for the acquisition of a substantial revenue. It was said, that the Americans would be as effectually taxed, without their consent, by being compelled to pay a gross sum, as by an aggregate of small duties to the same amount; and that this scheme of taxation exceeded, in oppression, any that the rapacity of mankind had hitherto devised. In other cases, a specific sum was demanded; and the people might reasonably presume that the remainder was their own but here they were wholly in the dark, as to the extent of the demand.

This proposition, however, for conciliation, though disrelished by many of the friends of ministry, was carried, on a division of two hundred and seventy-four to eighty-eight. On its transmission to the colonies, it did not produce the effects of disunion expected from it. It was unanimously rejected. For the resolutions of congress, see Appendix, No. II.

Other plans for conciliation with the colonies, founded on principles very different from those which were the basis of lord North's conciliatory motion, were brought forward, in the house of commons ; but without receiving its approbation. The most remarkable of these was proposed by Mr. Edmund Burke, in a speech which, for strength of argument, extent of information, and sublimity of language, would bear a comparison with the most finished performance that ancient or modern times have produced. In his introduction to this admirable speech, he examined and explained the natural

and accidental circumstances of the colonies, with respect to situation, resources, number, population, commerce, fisheries, and agriculture; and from these considerations showed their importance. He then inquired into their unconquerable spirit of freedom; which he traced to its original sources. From these circumstances, he inferred the line of policy which should be pursued with regard to America. He showed that all proper plans of government must be adapted to the feelings, established habits, and received opinions of the people. On these principles, he reprobated all plans of governing the colonies by force; and proposed, as the ground-work of his plan, that the colonists should be admitted to an interest in the constitution. He then went into an historical detail of the manner, in which British privileges had been extended to Ireland, Wales, and the counties palatine of Chester and Durham; the state of confusion before that event; and the happy consequences which followed it. He contended, that a communication, to the members, of an interest in the constitution, was the great ruling principle of British government. He, therefore, proposed to go back to the old policy for governing the colonies. He was for a parliamentary acknowledgment of the legal competency of the colonial assemblies, for the support of their government in peace, and for public aids in time of war. He maintained the futility of parliamentary taxation, as a method of supply. He stated, that much had been given in the old way of colonial grant ; that, from the year 1748 to 1763, the journals of the house of commons repeatedly acknowledged, that the colonies not only gave, but gave to satiety; and that, from the time, in which parliamentary imposition had superseded the free gifts of the provinces, there was much discontent, and little revenue. He, therefore, moved six resolutions, affirmatory of these facts; and grounded on them resolutions, for repealing the acts complained of by the Americans, trusting to the liberality of their future voluntary contributions. This plan of conciliation, which promised immediate peace to the whole empire, and a lasting obedience of the colonies, though recommended by the charms of the most persuasive eloquence,

and supported by the most convincing arguments, was by a great majority rejected.

Mr. D. Hartley, not discouraged by the negative, which had been given to Mr. Burke's scheme, came forward with another for the same purpose. This proposed, that a letter of requisition should be sent to the colonies, by the secretary of state, on a motion from the house, for a contribution to the expenses of the whole empire. He meant to leave, to the provincial assemblies, the right to judge of the expedience, amount, and application of the grant. In confidence that the colonies would give freely, when called on, in this constitutional way, he moved, to suspend the acts complained of by the Americans. This was also rejected.

Another plan, inserted, at length, in the Appendix, No. III. was digested in private, by Dr. Franklin, on the part of the Americans, and Dr. Fothergill and David Barclay, on behalf of the British ministry. There appeared a disposition to concede something considerable on both sides; but the whole came to nothing, in consequence of an inflexible determination to refuse a repeal of the act of parliament for altering the chartered government of Massachusetts. Dr. Franklin agreed, that the tea destroyed should be paid for; the British ministers, that the Boston port act should be repealed: but the latter contended, "that the late Massachusetts acts, being real amendments of their constitution, must, for that reason, be continued, as well as to be a standing example of the power of parliament." On the other hand, it was declared by Dr. Franklin, "that, while the parliament claimed and exercised a power of internal legislation for the colonies, and of altering American constitutions at pleasure, there could be no agreement; as that would render the Americans unsafe in every privilege they enjoyed, and would leave them nothing in which they could be secure.”

This obstinate adherence to support parliament, in a power of altering the laws and charters of the provinces, particularly to enforce their late laws for new-modelling the chartered constitution of Massachusetts, was the fatal rock, by dashing on which the empire broke in twain; for every other point,