III

Ar his departure for Cumae (1—20) Umbricius relates to Iuv. the causes which have driven him from Rome. There is no room for honest men, where they only thrive who will make black white and embrace the meanest employment for gain (21-40); he who cannot lie, who will not play the game of parricides, adulterers, oppressors, is a useless cripple. To win the patronage of the great, you must be master of their guilty secrets (41-57). Greeks and Syrians, Jacks of all trades, blown to Rome by the same wind as figs and damsons, oust the native of the Aventine; for they can act any part, taking their cue from their lord's changing moods; they corrupt his wife, his daughter, his very grandmother. Under the name of stoics they betray their pupils; by a few drops of the poison of calumny they supplant the oldest and most faithful clients (58—125).

Nor do foreigners alone thwart the poor client; praetors themselves, in all their state, attend the levées of rich orbae: men of gentle blood escort wealthy freedmen (126-136). Scipio Nasica, 'the best of Romans,' Numa or Metellus, would not be believed on their oaths, unless rich; the very gods are thought to expect perjury from the poor man (136-146). His shabby dress makes him a butt; he is ejected from the '14 rows' of the theatre, to make room for a crier's foppish son or gladiator's (147-159). He can never hope to marry an heiress or receive a legacy (160-164). Rent and provisions are high in Rome, and the style of living ambitious; in the country an aedile may appear in public in his tunic, in town the client must wear the costly toga and bribe his patron's insolent slaves (165-189). In Rome there is constant risk of fires or falling houses; if the poor man's garret burns, he must beg, and beg in vain; the rich man receives more than he had lost. You may buy a country house and garden for less than one year's rent of a smoky room in Rome (190-231). The noise of the crowded streets makes sleep a rich man's luxury (232-238).

The rich man is borne through the streets in a litter, where he may read or sleep at ease; the poor is hustled by crowds, bumped by logs of timber, trampled on by a soldier's hob-nailed boots. A client, returning home with his slave bearing his dinner in a chafing dish, is crushed to death under a wagon-load of marble. His household is making ready to receive him; but he the while cowers on the shores of Styx, and has not wherewithal to pay Charon's fee (239-267):

Danger of a broken head, from sherds thrown from the windows of the upper stories (268-277). Danger from Mohocks' who prowl in search of adventures, and after leaving you scarce a tooth in your mouth, as injured innocents would fain take the law of you (278-301). Danger from burglars and banditti; happy the days when one prison sufficed for Rome's needs (302—314).

Umbricius could say more, but time presses. He begs Iuv., whenever he visits his native Aquinum, to send word to Cumae; and promises to support his attempts to reform the age (315--322).

See for similar descriptions of Rome Plin. ep. 1 9. Mart. 111 4, 38. Lucian Nigrin. Ammian. xiv 6 § 12 seq. Cf. Boileau sat. I. VI.

1-20 Though troubled by my old friend's departure, yet I commend his design of settling at Cumae and giving one denizen to the Sibyl. 'Tis the gate to Baiae, a pleasant shore for sweet retirement; for me, I prefer even Prochyta to the Subura. For what waste have eyes ever seen so dreary, that you would not think it worse to shudder at fires, the ceaseless downfals of houses and the thousand perils of the heartless city,-to say nothing of poets reciting under an August sun? But while his whole household was being packed in one coach, Umbricius halted at the ancient arches of the dripping Capenian gate. Here where once Numa made assignations by night with his goddess mistress, where now the grove and shrine of the sacred spring are let to Jews, whose whole furniture is a basket and a truss of hay, for every tree must by law pay rent to the state, and the wood after the expulsion of its Muses begs [is a beggars' haunt] we stepped down into Egeria's vale and grottoes-how all unlike the true! How far more manifest were the divinity of the stream, if grass edged its waves with green and no marble profaned the native tufa! 1 DIGRESSU Aen. 111 482 digressu maesta supremo.

Prop. 1 15 9 Ithaci digressu mota. CONFUSUS Plin. paneg. 86 §3 Schwarz quam ego audio confusionem tuam fuisse, cum digredientem prosequereris. VM. III 1 ext. § 1 cum adhuc puer ad Periclen avunculum suum venisset [Alcibiades] eumque secreto tristem sedentem vidisset, interrogavit quid ita tantam in vultu confusionem gereret. Tac. h. 111 38. Stat. s. 11 pr. ne quis asperiore lima examinet carmen et a confuso scriptum et dolenti datum. Sulp. Sev. ep. 3 ad fin. tam erat sancta de illius gloria exsultatio, quam pia de morte confusio. cf. dial. 3 § 1. See Gesner. VETERIS AMICI I 132 n.

Aen. III 82. Hor. s. 11 6 81 veterem vetus hospes amicum. Mart. VIII 18 3. 2 LAUDO QUOD Madvig § 357 a. Zumpt

§ 629.

VACUIS X 102 epithet of Ulubrae. Verg. g. II 225 of Acerrae. Hor. ep. 1 7 45 of Tibur. 11 2 81 of Athens. cf. Iuv. x 100 n. Lucan VII 398-9 crimen civile videmus | tot vacuas urbes. 387-410. Pollio in Cic. ep. fam. x 33 § 1 written B.c. 43 (also Sall. Iug. 5 § 2) vastitatem Italiae. Cic. ad Att. i 19 § 4 Italiae solitudinem. Sen. contr. x 33 § 18 p. 233 non curatis quod solitudines suas isti beati ingenuorum ergastulis excolunt. Dio XXXVIII 1 § 3 speaking of the effect of Caesar's agrarian law B.c. 59 τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς Ἰταλίας ἠρημωμένα αὖθις σUVŲKÍŠETO. XLIII 25 § 2 dewǹ óλıyav@ρwπía (B.C. 46). The civil wars and proscriptions, the repugnance against marriage, the employment of slaves in agriculture (Iv 27 n.), the purchases by speculators of the lands of the military settlers, the vast parks of the wealthy (XIV 159 n.), had emptied Italy of its yeomen and free labourers. The depopulation of the country districts, consequent on the employment of slave labour and the disinclination to marriage among the free poor, first suggested the agitation of Ti. Gracchus Plut. 8 §§ 2, 5. A.D. 60 Nero sent veteran colonists to Tarentum and Antium Tac. xiv 27 non tamen infrequentiae locorum subvenere, dilapsis pluribus in provincias in quibus stipendia expleverant; neque coniugiis suscipiendis neque alendis liberis sueti orbas sine posteris domos relinquebant; formerly entire legions with all their ties of sympathy formed one compact commonwealth; these settlers, sine adfectibus mutuis brought together at random, were numerus magis quam colonia. Domitian's attempt, Suet. 7, to encourage the cultivation of corn (VIII 117-8 n.) by an order for the destruction of vineyards in the provinces and a prohibition of fallow land in Italy, was not persisted in; nor did it touch the root of the evil. Cf. Höck röm. Gesch. 1 (1) 28-30. (2) 124— 131. CUMIS Stat. S. IV 3 65 quieta Cyme. The oldest Greek colony in Italy (Strab. 243. Colum. x 130 veteres cesposo litore Cumae) founded by Chalkidians from Euboea and by Aeolians from Kyme (Vell. 1 4 § 1) on the Campanian coast about 6 miles N. of cape Misenum. It was a powerful city in the 7th and 6th centuries B.c., but in the 5th it suffered from the attacks of the Etruscans and Samnites. B.C. 428 (Diod. XII 76 § 5) or 420 (Liv. Iv 44 § 12) the Campanians took it by storm and sold the citizens for slaves. Although Cumae received a colony of veterans from Augustus, it never recovered its former importance. Vell. § 2 vires autem veteres ... hodieque magnitudo ostendit moenium. The ancient authorities are given at length by Cluver. Ital. ant. IV c. 2; see too E. H. Bunbury in dict. geogr. Heyne exc. 3 on Aen. vi. 3 DESTINET Used with the inf. by Caes., Nep., Livy, etc. See Mühlmann. 70 gratum est quod patriae civem populoque dedisti. CIVEM Plaut. Pers. iv 3 5, 6 Atticam hodie civitatem | maximam maiorem feci atque auxi civi femina. SIBYLLAE VIII 126 n.

CIVEM DONARE XIV

Aen. vi 2-155 with Heyne exc. 5. Ov. m. xiv 104-155. e.g. 104 litora Cumarum vivacisque antra Sibyllae. Petron. 48 Sibyllam quidem Cumis ego ipse oculis meis vidi in ampulla pendere, et cum illi pueri dicerent Σίβυλλα, τί θέλεις; respondebat illa ἀποθανεῖν θέλω. Mart. XIV 114 hanc tibi Cumano rubicundam pulvere testam | municipem misit casta Sibylla suam. Stat. s. IV 3 24-6 gaudens Euboicae domum Sibyllae Gauranosque sinus et aestuantes | septem montibus admovere Baias. 114-8 sed quam fine viae recentis imo, | qua monstrat veteres Apollo Cumas, albam crinibus infulisque cerno! | visu fallimur? an sacris ab antris profert Chalcidicas Sibylla laurus? The Cumaean Sibyl was mentioned by Naevius in his Punic war (Varr. in Lact. 1 6). Fabricius

Harles bk. I c. 29-33. Preller röm. Myth. 20, 130, 266-7, 271-7, 473, 476. Klausen Aeneas 1 203-312, 549-555. Marquardt rv 44, 49-61, 294-344. The Sibyl herself, her verses, cave, etc. are called Cumaea or Cumana, Euboica. Her name is given (1) as Demo (Paus. x 12 § 8, who says that the Cumaeans had none of her oracles, but exhibited a stone waterpot in the temple of Apollo, said to contain her bones); (2) Phemonoe (Serv. Aen. I 445); (3) Deiphobe (Aen. vi 36); (4) Amalthea; (5) Demophile; (6) Herophile (Varr. in Lact. 1 6 a locus classicus. Suid. 'Hpopila. Ziẞulla). A Sibyl always appears in relation to Apollo, as his priestess, wife, mistress, sister, daughter: generally she is a virgin, haunting some solitary cave near a spring or lake, and inspired by exha lations from the earth. The Sibylline books, consulted in every danger, had great influence upon the religion of Rome, the remedies prescribed being generally some new Greek rites. It is significant that the purchase of these books is ascribed to a Tarquin Schwegler 1 773. Iustin M. cohort. 37 saw at Cumae a great basilica, hewn out of the rock, with three baths in which the Sibyl bathed, and then retired into an inner shrine, also hewn, like the baths, out of the rock, where, sitting on a lofty tribunal and seat, she gave her oracles. 4 IANUA Cic. p. Mur. § 33 cum... eam.. urbem [Cyzicum] sibi Mithridates Asiao ianuam fore putasset, qua effracta et revulsa tota pateret provincia. BAIARUM XI 49 n. Hor. ep. 1 1 83 Obbar nullus in orbe sinus Baiis praelucet amoenis. Stat. s. 111 5 96-8 sive vaporiferas, blandissima litora, Baias, | enthea fatidicae seu visere tecta Sibyllae dulce sit. IV 7 18-9 portu retinent amoeno | desides Baiae. v 3 168-170. Plin. ep. 1x 7 § 2 of his two villas on the lacus Larius altera inposita saxis more Baiano lacum prospicit, altera aeque more Baiano lacum tangit. Mart. IV 25 1 aemula Baianis Altini litora villis. According to Iustin M. cohort. 37 Cumae was distant 6 miles from Baiae. LITUS AMOENI SECESSUS epexegetic gen. like vox voluptatis, urbes coloniarum Cic. Phil. II § 78 n. AMOENI Vell. 1 4 § 2 speaks of the amoenitas of Cumae. Symm. laudes in Valentin. sen. 1 9 amoena litorum. AMOENI SECESSUS. The wealthy Romans of the imperial times had their season for sea-side or country retirement, in which they sought leisure, rest, health, opportunity for study or pleasure. Especially the bay of Naples, from Misenum to Surrentum, was lined with palaces and villas Friedländer 112 52-60. Suet. Aug. 72 ex secessibus praecipue frequentavit maritima insulasque Campaniae, aut proxima urbi oppida, Lanuvium Praeneste Tibur. Donat. vit. Verg. 6 § 24 secessu Campaniae Siciliaeque plurimum uteretur. Tac. dial. 13 securum et quietum Vergilii secessum. Suet. Cal. 45 circum et theatra et amoenos secessus. Mart. x 104 13, 14 iucundos mihi nec laboriosos secessus. Vopisc. Florian. 6 abice Baianos Puteolanosque secessus. Capitol. Anton. phil. 21 in secessu Praenestino. Dig. xvII 1 § 16. Plin. ep. 1 3 a charming picture of a country life at Comum § 3 quin tu. • ipse te in alto isto pinguique secessu studiis adseris? cf. 9. 1 17 esp. § 29. v 6. 18. vi 14. 31 §§ 2, 15. IX 7. 10 § 2. 36. 40. See the lexicons and ind. Suet. secedo, 5 PROCHYTAM Procida, a small island off the Campanian coast, between Cape Misenum, from which it is less than three miles distant, and the isle Aenaria, Ischia. Stat. s. II 276 Pr. aspera. It is now populous and fertile. Cluver. Ital. ant. IV 4. E. H. Bunbury in dict. geogr.

secessus.

SUBURAE XI 51 n. Mart. XII 18 1, 2 dum tu forsitan inquietus erras | clamosa, Iuvenalis, in Subura.

6 SOLUM epithet Prop. 1 2 11 of antris. 18 4 of saxa.

INCENDIA LAP

I= 19 7 of montes. See the lexicons. SUS TECTORUM Prop. III=11 27 9 domibus flammam domibusque ruinam. Lucan. 1 488-490. Fabianus Papirius in M. Sen. contr. 11 9 § 11 p. 121 1. 11 sedes ipsae quas in tantum extruxere, ut domus ad usum ac munimentum paratae sint nunc periculo, non praesidio: tanta altitudo aedificiorum est tantaeque viarum angustiae, ut neque adversus ignem praesidium, nec ex ruinis ullam in partem effugium sit. § 12 1. 18 ut anxii interdiu et nocte ruinam ignemque metuant. Sen. vit. beat. 26 § 2 vos domus formosa, tamquam nec ardere nec ruere possit, [obstupefacit]. Crassus, Plut. 2 § 5, bought more than 500 builders and masons, seeing τὰς συγγενεῖς καὶ συνοίκους τῆς Ῥώμης κῆρας ἐμπρησμοὺς καὶ συνιζήσεις διὰ βάρος καὶ πλῆθος οἰκοδομημάτων. He also bought up at a cheap rate the houses that took fire and those adjoining. Strab. 235 building at Rome was incessant, because of the incessant fires and downfal of houses.

INCENDIA 197–222. XIV 305-9. Sen. ep. 91 § 13 Timagenes felicitati urbis inimicus aiebat Romae sibi incendia ob hoc unum dolori esse, quod sciret meliora surrectura quam arsissent. So Mart. v 7 compares Rome to the phoenix. Plin. xxxvi § 110 profecto incendia puniunt luxum, nec tamen effici potest ut mores aliquid ipso homine mortalius esse intellegant. xxxv § 3 nec cessat luxuria id agere ut quam plurimum incendiis perdat. Superstition endeavoured to avert the danger by inscribing the house with barbarous spells Plin. xxvi § 20 etiam parietes incendiorum deprecationibus conscribuntur. Orell. inscr. 1384. Paulus p. 18 M. More availing precautions were (1) the legal restrictions on the height of the houses, and (2) the walls which enclosed open spaces round temples Tac. xv 38. The many storeys of the houses, of which the upper, tabulata, contignationes, were of wood, the narrowness of the streets, the wooden outhouses, all increased the risks of fire. Under Tiberius there were two great conflagrations A.D. 27 and 37. Only 4 of the 14 quarters of the city escaped Nero's fire A.D. 64. Under Titus a fire continued its ravages for 3 days and nights. A.D. 191 and A.D. 238 great part of the city was consumed. Frontin. de aquis 1 18 et colles sensim propter frequentiam incendiorum excreverunt rudere. Gell. xv 1 §§ 2, 3 the friends of a rhetorician, Antonius Iulianus, were escorting him home, when, as they mounted the Cispian hill, they espied insulam quandam occupatam igni multis arduisque tabulatis editam et propinqua iam omnia flagrare vasto incendio. Tum quispiam ibi ex comitibus Iuliani 'magni' inquit 'reditus urbanorum praediorum [cf. on the high rents Iuv. 223-5], sed pericula sunt longe maxima. siquid autem possit remedii fore, ut ne tam adsidue domus Romae arderent, venum hercle dedissem res rusticas et urbicas emissem.' Marquardt v (1) 227. 229. Friedländer 13 29-32. Imhoff Domitian 83 seq. Lips. on Tac. xv 43.

LAPSUS 190-196. Owing to the dearness of land and cost of lodging, 225, in Rome, speculators carried their buildings to a great height, and employed very frail materials, in order to obtain a quick return for their money; earthquakes and inundations often undermined even more solidly built houses Hor. c. 1 2 13-20. Sen. tranq. an. 11 § 7 saepe a latere ruentis aedificii fragor sonuit. const. sap. 12 § 2. A.D. 15, Tac. a. 1 76 relabentem [Tiberim] secuta est aedificiorum et hominum strages. A.D. 69, h. 1 86 corrupta stagnantibus aquis insularum fundamenta, dein remeante flumine dilapsa. cf. Suet. Oth. 8. More in Friedländer 13 29-33. 8 AC MILLE PERICULA Heind.

i. e. and, generally, the thousand dangers, as ✩ Zeû κai Oɛol.