no consequence whether any corn was one working man. In this statement grown in England, or not; and who alone, which is their own statement; was actually called an oracle by WIL- which is the statement of the Ministers BERFORCE and BROUGHAM. Besides and the Parliament; in this statement this, when have we ceased to hear it as- alone, we have more than enough to serted that a surplus population was the justify the proceedings of the "TRADES great cause of the misery of the people? UNIONS," and all other combinations; And how many committees of the House nay, here is more than enough to imof Commons have reported, that prema- peach them of a want of spirit in not ture marriages tended to increase the having sooner taken measures to assert miseries of the people! How often and enforce the rights of industry. have we seen it stated, that the work- It is curious to observe, that this men were reduced to half-work by their statement of the population returns, masters! In short, upon the showing having been frequently brought forward of the Government, the Parliament, and by me, in the Register, as a proof of all the sticklers for the debt and the the unjust treatment of the working part taxes, it is proved beyond all contradic- of the community, all the population tion, that there was too much labour in returns, since the first, have been made the country. This being the case, what out in a different manner; so as to conimpudence must that man have, who found and confuse, and to prevent us shall dare to lift his voice in condemna- from seeing the comparative numbers, tion of any persons who are combining as we saw in the first return; but, one for the purpose of diminishing the hours of two things must be; either this first of labour, and thereby making labour return was correct, or it was not; it not super-abundant "in the market;" was something approaching towards making the "supply" not so far to out- correctness, at any rate; or it was stretch the "demand!" For my part, wholly false: if the former, then we my only fear is, that the combiners have the fact to argue upon; if the themselves will give way, and not effec- latter, then that man is a perverse idiot, tually enforce their laudable intention. who will ever again affect to rely upon The work is now done by a too small any statement laid before, and ordered number of hands; the work now costs to be published by, the Parliament. too little to those who enjoy the benefit It is, however, their own statement: of it. Perhaps, you yourself are not it is the assertion of the taxers and the aware of the comparatively small num- tax-eaters; and, taking them at their ber of persons who actually do the work. word, let us ask them what RIGHT And now let me beg your attention to five millions of people have to live, the following facts upon this subject. without labour, upon the labour of three In the year 1801, the first population millions of people? We will ask them, return exhibited to us this curious spec- on what principle of religion, of motacle. rality, of civil society, they found the RIGHT of 5,017,434 persons to live without work, upon the labour of 3,313,758 persons who do the work? Will they tell us, that all men cannot work, that some must live without work, or 1,789,531 that civil society and property cannot exist; that the peace and order of the 3,313,758 world require, that there should be some 5,017,434 to think and some to work. This is very true; but are five thinkers required to three workers? Even in our superb and thundering standing army in time of peace, there are three private men, and, indeed, rather more, to one commissioned Population of England. 1. Persons employed in agri- ...... 3. All other persons....... 1,524,227 Total. 8,331,192 This was a damning fact for the boroughmonger and fundholder system. Here were almost two idlers for every 14TH DECEMBER, 1833. 646 officer; and more than a whole hundred, their forefathers, they have incurred I believe, to one general; but here we debts and obligations of various sorts, have five thinkers to three workers. So which they cannot discharge, and also that every worker has one whole think-leave to the working part of the people er and a quarter and three quarters of a that share of ease and of good living quarter of another thinker to think for which they ought to enjoy. Hence all the him! Well might the boroughmongers discontents; hence all the violences; say that this is the "most thinking" hence society is shaken to its very cenpeople in the world. The late Lord tre. STORMONT Said this, when PAINE pubThe poet says, "that fools only lished his first part of the Man; and PAINE told him, that they had not begun to and when they did begin, woe to boroughmongering. Rights of" that which produces the most good is " contest for forms of government; for in answer, think yet; | bad sort of government will not produce "the best government." Yes; but a good to a people: it does not contain in it does not contain in it a security for it the means of producing good, because its being well carried on. the form or sort of government is a Therefore, thing well worth contesting: but the form or the name is certainly of no use, if the effects be bad and how can they be said to be good, if three millions and work necessary to the subsistence of a quarter of people have to do all the eight millions of people? But, casting aside now all the lies and all the absurdities, and all the gross at tempts at imposition, on the part of the taxers and tax-eaters, do we want any other cause of the misery of the working people than this one fact: that eight millions are living upon the labour of three millions and a quarter? want any thing further to explain to us Do we the causes of the distress and miseries of the people? The man who pretends that it is necessary to inquire further, is to Mr. SCARLETT, upon the subject of In the year 1821 I addressed a letter either stupid or insincere. All the efforts his bringing in a bill, founded upon the of legislation, and all the regulations Malthusian scheme. and movements of those who execute" that the poor would devour the whole His assertion was, the laws, during the last forty years, seem to have had for their three prin-" were put a stop to." I showed him "of the landed property, unless they cipal objects, the making of all the cre- that it was not the poor, but the idlers, ative work to be done by as few hands who were devouring the property of the as possible; to cause there to be as few country; that the increase of the poormouths as possible amongst those who rates was only a proof of the diminution did the work; and to cause as little food of the just remuneration for labour; that as possible to go into those mouths. I the poor-rates were, in fact, a debt condefy any man, who has any regard for tracted with the working people, who veracity, to contradict this statement. had been stripped of their little property I do not accuse those who have passed by degrees, and who were undergoing and executed the laws of deliberate de-constant deductions from their wages, so sign to do this evil thing: the thing is as to render parochial relief absolutely too unnatural, too revolting to the na- necessary to the maintenance of life; and tural feelings of mankind, to be delibe- that it was unjust, and monstrously unrately thought of; to be entertained just, to reproach the working people with after reflection; that is to say, volun- the amount of the poor-rates. tarily, and of the party's own free and good will. No; the monstrous work has been the work of necessity; but the necessity itself has arisen out of the follies and faults of those who have been reduced to that necessity. In their various endeavours to prevent the people from recovering the rights enjoyed by the great doctrine of the BROUGHAM the means of employing the millions. not express the pleasure that I feel at If there were only a thousand idlers to a seeing that you, who so well understand million workers; that is to say, one to all the rights and all the interests of the one thousand, it might do pretty well; industrious part of the community, and but, out of the thousand great idlers, there who have so much at stake in the issue spring three or four hundred thousand of this question; I cannot express the smaller idlers; and these also have to pleasure I feel at seeing that you have be maintained by the workers. The taken so decided a part with the people idea, that taxes do not hurt the working in this case. It has been asserted, and people, because they return to them that, too, by persons who are to be conagain in payment for their work, is ano-tradicted in another place, "that the ther abominable cheatery of the hard-"country labourers are as well off as hearted school of the Whigs, who, when" they ever were at any former period." speaking of their "national debt," as Why, my dear sir, the gentlemen who they call it, ask, "What harm can it do assert this, do not tell LIES; because a "to the whole nation? We owe it to lie means an intentional falsehood for "ourselves, and we pay the interest of it the purpose of doing some wrong; but "to one another." This idea, somehow or they assert that which they do not know another, got into the head of old Sir anything about; they, from ignorance ROBERT PEEL. But, now, suppose a of the matter, state a falsehood, and put township, or parish, to contain a thou- it forth as truth; and they are blamesand working men, all working at some-able for not making themselves inthing or another, either farmers, trades-formed upon the subject, as they ought men, artizans, labourers, doctors, attor- to have been. neys, or something, so as for them to be With regard to the precise time of useful to one another, every one yielding eight hours, that cannot apply, and is to the other his services, his goods, or not meant to apply, except to employ the use of his skill. Suppose that, all ments in-doors, and where there are a at once, God were to afflict this parish constancy and sameness in the pursuit with the insane desire of having five or labour. In the case of shepherds, idlers to every three and a half working and all persons attending on live-stock: men: and, further, to afflict this com- in the case of harvesting and haymunity with the disposition to consent to making and various other things in the each of these idlers having three, four, or country, there can be no limitation as five times as much to live upon as every to time, which must vary with the seaworking man. Must not the working sons of the year, with the state of the men become degraded and miserable weather, and the like; but, the princiwretches? Oh, no! say BROUGHAM and ple can apply to rural, as well as to his feelosofers; for the idlers would manufacturing, affairs. In the former, give employment to the working men as well as the latter, those who do the they would give them their money back again. Aye, but they must work for it and earn it back, after having earned it the first time to give it to them. This is the state in which we are now. Here are fifty millions of pounds sterling collected in taxes in a year, nine-tenths of which come out of the labour of the working people. This labour is now much greater than the people ought to perform; and there appears to be no remedy so efficacious as that of their refusing to work so much as they now work; a thing which they have a perfect right to do. I can work, generally speaking, work much too hard, in proportion to the pay that they receive. Go and look at them, even in these best of counties, Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, and you see them old men at forty, and worn out at fifty; and to see a man at threescore is to see a poor decrepit creature actually crumbling down into the grave. It is not his hard work that has done all this; but it is his constant toil and constant half-starvation. I by no means hold the doctrine, that a man is to be disobedient to his master; and, indeed, that he is not to work, and work well, too; but then I contend 14TH DECEMBER, 1833. 650 (and I have invariably practised that are most sincere; but they are a trifle which I preach), that he ought to be compared to the blessings which you well fed, well clothed, well lodged, and will deserve from this laborious and mecivilly treated; that he ought to be ritorious working people. seated down in the room of a master in a farm-house when he receives his week's wages, and not to be brought cringing to be paid out of a window as alms are tossed to a beggar. thus give to the public your own explaI shall insert your letter below, and nation of your intentions. You and I have no secrets; no wish but that constituents and to the whole nation. which we desire to be known to our I remain, your faithful friend and most obedient servant, WM. COBBETT. MAN in Hertfordshire. It seems that he was the policeman for the "hundred;" that is to say, one of the divisions of the county of Hertford. As of this affair how you will think of Ireyou land! read and with your mind full of it, you will After you have read this article, come to one about the FIRES; and then you will think of me; but you will be pleased by the reflection that I am not lecturing now; that I am as snug at BOLT COURT as you are at WATERSIDE. Pray read these two articles with attention. It is very certain that, if the working people carry their point, some very great branch of expenditure must give way; for every thing comes from their toil; and if they withhold so much of their toil, as to compel others to be brought in to assist in doing the work, there must be a falling off in the re- which you will find below, relating to a P. S. Pray, look well at an article ceipts of the idlers, who consist of divers LABOURER SHOT BY A POLICEgreat bodies, but the great body of all being the fund holders. What branch will be made to give way first, I do not know; nor do I much care. I am very sure that something must give way. It is five years since I said, that there was a silent commotion in the country: it is now a speaking commotion. It is very certain, that a very great change of some sort must take place; and that, even if the Parliament should be disposed to move, and in the right direction too, the fear is, that it will move too slowly for the people. It is very curious, that France should be in much about the same situation; and from much about the same sort of cause it is the accumulators against the producers: it is the idler against the working man. Do you not remember, how soon I discovered tion; and, I am with them, if the landThe Anti-corn- Bill people are in mothe tendency of the last French revolu- lords reject our aid in taking the taxes tion? The "citizen-king" had hardly from the land. If they do not bring forgot the crown upon his head, before I ward and carry the repeal of the malt saw that the French would be enslaved tax, which they can, if they will, I am by the paper-money and fundholder for repealing the Corn Bill at once. crew. It is this crew that have recently am for the repeal of the Corn Bill: but, I attempted to overturn the institutions of accompanied by a repeal of the malt, America. If the French people consent-hop, and soap taxes; and if the landlords. ed, after their last revolution, to conti- do not assist us, and cordially assist us, nue to pay the interest of the debt, there in the repeal of those taxes, or of the was no hope for them except in another malt tax in particular, I am for the rerevolution. I always said, that the peal of the Corn Bill, though that tax Bourse (Stock-Exchange) was worse should not be repealed, for then it will than the Bourbons; and so I say still, be clear, that they do not care how much and so the French have found it. You the people are taxed, so long as they have have now taken up a hostile position what they deem a security for themagainst our Bourse. My thanks to you selves. morrow night, in order to get them as I shall send them by post toquickly as possible to the President of the United States, that he may see what the system is producing here. MR. FIELDEN'S LETTER TO Waterside, 16. November, 1833. MY DEAR SIR,-I am persuaded we You remember my PENNENDEN-HEATH REGISTER, in which I proved, most logically and unanswerably, that the stupid and malignant editor of the Chronicle. was not necessary to be upon the face of the earth; and that it would be better, are on the eve of very important even for himself, that he should go, at changes; the working people will not once, under ground, unless, indeed, re-long submit to the chains with which tributive justice required that he should they are enthralled; co-operative sofinish his work of slaughtering the poor cieties, trades unions, &c., exist in alold Chronicle. Unhappily for the pro- most every manufacturing town and prietor of that poor old thing, this editor village throughout the kingdom; these is still above ground; and, being, in- societies hold their meetings, discuss trinsically and essentially base and their grievances, and concert plans of corrupt, and in his very nature a relief. tool of oppression, he could not copy An organization has been thus formed, from my last REGISTER the resolu- which, if properly directed, may be protions signed by Mr. MILNE, without ductive of good; but, unless the wise. leaving out the last six words, which and the good amongst masters evince a he manifestly did for the express pur- disposition to hearken to the complaints of pose, because they are the last six words their ill-treated work-people, and endeaof the last resolution; and, by the mere vour to get them a redress of their leaving out of these words, he makes wrongs, consequences the most apyou call upon the labourers of foreign countries to assist you in improving the condition of the labourers in Englund, instead of co-operating in their several countries to improve their own condition; and a brother-villain of his at MANCHESTER has actually laid hold of this omission, and the editor of another Chronicle, too; and, in all probability, Mr. Robert Owen called on me last the omission was concerted amongst the week; he had been amongst them in Whig editors, for the purpose of having Yorkshire, recommending them how to a ground to accuse you, as the MAN- act, if the threat of the masters to disCHESTER ruffian does, of waging a war miss every person in their employ who against property, and of treason against would not abandon the unions, were atthe King! Property! Against pro- tempted to be carried into effect. Mr. perty! Do these ruffians know that Owen, as you know, has some very pelabour is property, the most sacred; that culiar opinions or notions; but he is, it is property in itself; and that it is the notwithstanding, a very intelligent, hufoundation of all other property? These mare, and benevolent man; he has ruffians would, I suppose, call the great influence with many of the most money and goods which they get by intelligent of the working classes, and their dirty trade, by the name of pro- he has long been very actively engaged perty. However, let the malignant in endeavouring so to change the constiwretches lick up their hire, and spit out tution of society, as would, in his opitheir venom. You have reason, jus- nion, ensure to all, both rich and poor, tice, morality, the Christian religion, a much larger share of happiness than and the law on your side; and in God's they now enjoy. name I trust you will go on. palling may ensue. The disappointment on being denied the ten-hour bill is not yet forgotten, and active measures are now on foot to obtain by unions such regulations as to time of labour and the amount of wages as the work-people think (and I agree with them) they are fairly entitled to. I will not attempt to describe Mr. OWEN's schemes, nor attempt a defence of them, because I think some of them impracticable; but his love of the labouring classes, and the exertions he has made, |