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Nonconformity is divided. The odds in favour of the Church are far too great at Oxford to give any form of dissent any chance whatever; and if the Church becomes wiser and wider, the odds in her favour will become greater still. Looking at the matter from a Protestant point of view, it seems to me that the authorities of Propaganda knew their own interest when they quashed the proposal for a Roman Catholic College at Oxford, although that proposal was supported by all the best and most cultivated adherents of the Roman Catholic Church in England. Here we have another illustration of the true saying that the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the child. dren of light. I do not think my hon. Friend was quite accurate in what he said about the Universities of Austria. It was not the Roman Catholic Church that opened these Universities of her own free will. It was the State that made her do so. Churches are not apt to make concessions; and neither the Church of Rome nor the Church of England have ever shown a disposition to surrender any privilege which they thought they could keep. I was glad that my hon. Friend explained so fully our reason for retaining the proviso. That is an important point, and cannot be made too clear. An impression prevailed, when the hon. Member for East Sussex first brought in his Bill, that the declaration of bond fide membership which he proposed would operate in the case of some few Nonconformists as a more stringent test than the old one; but this impression arose simply from the fact that people forgot that, before you can proceed to the Master of Arts degree at Oxford, you are now obliged to subscribe, not only the Thirtynine Articles, but also the three Articles of the 36th Canon-the second of which commits the subscriber, in the most positive manner, at once to the Anglican Book of Common Prayer, and to the Episcopal form of Church government. We have therefore felt that, in retaining the precise words used by my hon. Friend the Member for East Sussex, we are conferring a very considerable benefit upon the liberal members of the Church of England, and doing a very great deal for all classes of Non conformists; though, of course, not

so much as we would do for them if we felt sure we could persuade the House to abolish the present test, without providing a mitigated substitute. Thirdly, and lastly, I think this Bill would be useful to the

University, because it will be one step towards lifting it to a true conception of its dignity and its duty. The University of Oxford, which is now little better than an appendage of the Anglican Church, was great and famous long before the Anglican Church existed; and it is safe to prophesy that it will be great and famous long after the Elizabethan compromise, which is dignified by that lofty title, has either vanished or become so much altered that those who now called themselves its best friends will hardly recognise it. The University must learn that her duties are to the nation, and not any sect in the nation, however powerful and respectable. She must cease to pride herself on being the biggest theological seminary in England, and learn to be, what her splendid revenues and her enormous advantages of every kind would easily enable her to be the foremost labourer in every field of thought, and the first seat of learning in Christendom.

Motion made, and question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."-(Mr. Goschen.)

LORD ROBERT CECIL rose to move an Amendment, that the Bill be read a second time that day three months. The hon. Member who had moved the second reading had dwelt a good deal upon the inferiority of the position in which Dissenters found themselves when taking their degree of M.A., and the conscience of the hon. Member appeared to be considerably affected by having had to give an opinion as to Queen Elizabeth's title to the Crown of France. He had no wish to put any burden on the hon. Member, and as the Committee which lately sat to inquire into the subject of subscriptions had arrived at results which were generally approved, and which the Government themselves had embodied in a Bill, he should be very glad to see the subscriptions laid down for the clergy generally extended to all candidates for all degrees in the University of Oxford. With regard to the degree of M.A. he would say the same. He had not the smallest objection to what was called "the Cambridge compromise"-that was that the literary dignity of M.A. should be given to every Dissenter who showed that he deserved it. The one prominent feature of the Bill to which he objected was that it would give over the Government of the University to the Dissenters. In dealing with this measure last year the great

difficulty which the opponents of the mea- instalments, rather than from any objecsure had to encounter was to ascertain what tion to throw them open to the professors was the precise object which its supporters of every religious creed. Looking at the wished to attain. One Gentleman tried to matter from this point of view, he (Lord persuade the House that there was not the Robert Cecil) had felt puzzled as to the least intention of altering the relations be- precise aspect in which the hon. Gentletween the University and the Church, and man regarded the study of theology. He that all he wanted to do was to let in a had taken great trouble to prove that the chance Presbyterian or mathematical Wes- University was a lay and not a theological leyan who might happen to be excluded corporation, and he seemed to conclude under the present system. The Chancellor that the teaching of any particular form of the Exchequer went a little further, of belief was inconsistent with the priviand gave the Gentleman sitting opposite leges of a lay corporation. He denounced him rather a severe lecture for the indis- the study of theology as something specriminate resistance which they offered to cially belonging to the clergy, and his University reform. On the present occa- view appeared to be that the teaching sion he trusted the Chancellor of the Ex- of any form of religious belief was a chequer would find it more expedient to professional peculiarity. One of the lecture Gentlemen sitting on his own side arguments which the hon. Member used to of the House. There were Gentlemen, induce the House to abandon the teaching again, who, to use their own phrase, of any special form of religious belief at "showed their hands" last year. The the University was that we should thereby hon. and learned Member for Sheffield (Mr. attract the Dissenters who would then beRoebuck) would have been content to come greater proficients in classical literaabolish tests altogether, and the hon. Mem- ture. Now, if the House of Commons ber for Elgin (Mr. Grant Duff) told them were really of opinion that it was better to that the less the clergy had to do with the teach good classics than good religion, he University the better for that great institu- acknowledged that the opponents of this tion. [Mr. GRANT DUFF: Hear, hear!] Bill had no further case whatever. But, With all these conflicting statements, the for his own part, he was unable to take House had at that time great difficulty the same view as the hon. Member of the in ascertaining the principle upon which they proposed change. He did not look on were voting. But all these difficulties were religious teaching as a professional pecuremoved in the present instance by the ex- liarity. The parents of this country, moretremely laudable candour of the hon. Mem- over, had been accustomed to regard reber for London (Mr. Goschen) who shrank ligious teaching as an indispensable portion from no logical consequences that the Bill of the education of their children, and they might seem to involve. He told the House had never given the slightest encourage. that he wished them to follow the example ment to any form of education from which of the Universities of Germany, and espe- the element of religion was excluded. The cially the example of one University at hon. Gentleman said they ought to make the head of which was a Jew. [Mr. the Universities national, and that to conGOSCHEN: A Protestant.] Oh, a Protest-fine their teaching to one form of religious ant Jew, was it? The hon. Member boldly avowed that his object was to effect a severance between the University and the Church, to declare that the University had no special connection with the Church; and he went further, for he distinctly laid down that his principles involved the Colleges in the same category with the University. The hon. Member told them that the University was a lay corporation, that the Colleges were lay corporations, and having been founded by Roman Catholics that they ought now to belong to Dissenters. If, therefore, the Colleges were not specifically included within the present Bill, they might conclude, he presumed, that the omission was in deference to the policy of reform by

belief was to prevent them being national, because the nation was not all of one religious belief. If that argument were carried out strictly, it would involve this necessary consequence, that the governing body of the University should include Churchmen, Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, Separatists, Unitarians, Mormons, Quakers-and he might go on for half-anhour enumerating all the various forms of religious belief into which the nation was split up. He did not think he should excite any controversy when he stated that the addition of persons representing a great variety of religious beliefs to the governing body of the University would practically amount to the teaching of no religion at

The London University was set up

all. It was held by a good many gentle-Jers. men whose opinion was worthy of respect amid great jubilations, and there was a that in the earlier branches of education great belief that a new educational era was the teaching of religion was so elementary being inaugurated. But what had been in its character that a great many sects the result? Had the London University might be combined in one class without obtained such a hold on the affections of anything being taught contrary to the the country that any great number of inbelief of any of them. Without inquiring stitutions had been established on its how far that theory was true, it was evident model. On the contrary, parents preferthat it did not apply to persons of maturer red to send their children to the educaage, or to more advanced stages of reli- tional institutions of whatever denomination gious teaching. It might be the dream of they might belong to, showed no willingpoliticians, but any one who had given ness to exchange the benefits of religious attention to the subject of religious teach- training for any educational advantages ing would know that it was a simple im- the University might have to offer. That possibility to teach the truths of religion which parents would not do was to send to any number of pupils without entering their children to institutions in which there upon matters which were controverted be- was no religious teaching. And so, if by tween the various religious sects. The this measure they introduced into the goconsequence was that if all religious sects verning body the element of dissent they were represented in the governing body, must extirpate religious teaching from the and if all had an equal right to teach its University, and so deprive the clergy of religious doctrine, that teaching must be a that teaching which they had enjoyed for compromise between them all, and there three centuries. Let it not be said, as was no compromise which could be satis- the hon. Gentleman had told them, that factory except the abandonment of religious religious teaching went for a small matter teaching altogether. The hon. Member's at the University. There was something argument proceeded throughout upon the beyond the direct teaching of religion. assumption that the question was one in- The House was aware that moral philovolving the privileges of the clergy, and sophy occupied a high place amid the that an attempt would be made to treat matters taught at Oxford. This particular the Universities as ecclesiastical corpora- branch of study has probably more share tions. He had no intention of putting than any other in forming that peculiar forward any such view. He did not appear cast of mind recognized as belonging to as the advocate of any special rights or the University of Oxford; yet those studies privileges of the clergy, but as the advocate would have to be revolutionized if persons of parents who had hitherto used this Uni- were brought into the governing body versity as a place of education for their whose religious belief forbade them to children. Nothing could be clearer than suffer those studies to continue in their that religious teaching was a matter upon present form. These were the grounds which parents laid great stress. They upon which he opposed the Bill, and had no such dread of the clergy as haunted happily there was no doubt in the prethe minds of the hon. Member for the City sent instance as to its scope and objects. of London and the hon. Member for the The hon. Gentleman was willing to stake Elgin burghs; but intrusted their children the issue upon the widest interpretation of to the teaching of the clergy in almost the principles which he advocated; he did every stage. The first schools to which not ask the House to pass a Bill, hoping children were sent were not schools in that it would be attended with no particupossession of large endowments, but lar consequences, nor did he suggest that schools selected by clergymen, and al- persons would be unwilling to avail themmost invariably presided over by them. selves of its provisions; the hon. Member In the public schools the clergy again was quite willing to join issue on the were the main teachers; and in the question whether persons differing from interval elapsing between the departure the Church of England should or should of youths from them and their entrance not form a considerable element in the on an University career, in the great governing body of the University. То majority of instances, clergymen were that proposal he (Lord Robert Cecil) selected for the task of directing their objected, because, by its adoption, they Some years ago an experiment would be destroying the position which was made to see if parents were willing the University had so long enjoyed with to confide their children to secular teach the governing classes of this country;

they would be injuring the interests of the University in a manner which they could never repair; degrading it to a level with those German Universities where intellectual progress and intellectual eminence were combined to so frightful an extent with absolute destitution of religious belief; and because, in doing all this, they would be inflicting the severest blow, not only on our education and the intellectual progress in this country, but, what was of much greater importance, on the purity of its religious belief.

Amendment proposed, to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day three months." (Lord Robert Cecil.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

MR. DODSON said, he had listened with great pleasure to the speech of the noble Lord; because, as it was founded upon a total misapprehension of the nature of the Bill, when its provisions were satisfactorily explained he would, no doubt, feel it his duty to give the measure his support. The noble Lord asserted that the Bill handed over the government of the University to Dissenters, instead of the Church of England; that it would separate Church and State; and that it would put all religions in the same position at the University. He was at issue with the noble Lord on all these points. The Bill left the religious teaching in the University on the same footing as that on which it existed since the Restoration; it left untouched all the University statutes and qualifications as to Professors and teachers, and all the provisions of the Act of Uniformity as to Fellows and Tutors. It carried out the principle of the University Reform Act of 1854-namely, that every person was entitled to go to the University for education, irrespective of what might be his religious belief. But the Act of 1854 carried out that principle in an imperfect manner, and the object of this Bill was to carry it out more fully. Under the Bill the religious teaching of the University would continue to be the teaching of the Church of England; a test would be required from teachers, but not from those who went to the University to be taught. It placed the University in this respect on the same footing as the Church occupied towards the nation. A policeman was not stationed at the door of every Church to say, "You

shall not enter here unless you promise beforehand to agree with every word of the Liturgy and every portion of the sermon." On the contrary, the clergyman would be only too glad at the presence of those who differed from the Church of England, hoping that they might hear something to change their views. The University, in point of fact, did station the policeman at the door to exact a pledge from all who entered. It was true that a modification to some extent had taken place; the absurdity of exacting a pledge upon entrance regarding the truth of all that the student was about to be taught had been removed in 1854. But the impediment was only pushed a little further back. It was now presented, not upon entrance, but when taking out the degree of M.A. Every man wishing to go to Oxford had notice that the test would hereafter be required of him, and was practically told-"however eminently you may become qualified, unless at the close of your academical career you find that you can agree with all that you will have been taught you shall be deprived of your just reward." That restriction was therefore almost as severe in operation as the one which was for merly imposed. Now, it was said by some of the opponents of the Bill, that they would have no objection to allow Dissenters to take the degree of A.M., but they could not admit them into the governing body. Well, but what was the constitution of the governing body? There were three bodies which regulated the University of Oxford-first, the Hebdomadal Council; secondly, the Congregation; and lastly, Convocation. Now, the Hebdomadal Council had the sole and exclusive power of initiating measures for the government of the University; Congregation might suggest amendments, but could not insist on their acceptance by the Hebdomadal Council. As to Convocation, all they could do was when a measure was proposed by the Hebdomadal Council and was approved of by the Congregation, either to accept it in toto or reject it in toto. The legislative powers of Convocation were therefore of the most limited character, and the entrance of a few Dissenters into that body could have no practical influence. The Bill before the House did not, however, introduce any new principle as to the government of the University. Dissenters might be, and some actually were, members of Convocation, the test being one expressive of their willingness to sub

scribe to the Thirty-nine Articles, and the 36th canon, and not of bona fide membership of the Church of England. Being members of Convocation they were eligible to the Hebdomadal Council. Moreover, six members of the Hebdomadal Council were selected from the body of Professors, from many of whom no tests were required. So that under the existing law persons, differing from the tenets of the Church of England, might be and were, not only members of Convocation, but members even of that very exclusive body, the Hebdomadal Council. The noble Lord the Member for Stamford evidently forgot that this Bill was not concocted and framed within the last fortnight or three weeks, or month; but was the same measure that was introduced into the House last Session, mainly at the instance of Heads of Houses, fellows and students of the University of Oxford, who had petitioned in favour of the principle which it sought to enact. If the noble Lord were so afraid of the further admission of Nonconformists into the governing body, he had simply, in Committee on the Bill, to move the insertion of words rendering the test of bona fide membership of the Church of England the condition of a seat in the Hebdomadal Council for any Master of Arts. The noble Lord need not then be guilty of the cruelty of refusing to relieve Churchmen from subscription to those tests whilst he would allow Dissenters to take the degree of A.M., and to become members of Convocation, which, in fact, was little more than the electoral body of the University. The Bill was not one to benefit Dissenters as regarded the University so much as Churchmen, nor was it one to alter the religious teaching of that institution. The measure proposed no change whatever in the government of the University. He hoped that the noble Lord, who had evidently been misinformed on every one of the points on which his opposition was based, would devote the few minutes that would elapse between the present moment and the division in reading the Bill. If the noble Lord would but do that he (Mr. Dodson) would not despair of him admitting the totally erroneous view he had entertained of this Bill, and, as a consequence, of his withdrawing his Amendment.

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER: Sir, if my hon. Friend who has just sat down had been the mover of the Bill, and if, in moving it, he had pronounced the speech which he made last

year or which he has just delivered, I should very gladly have followed him into the lobby; and that for reasons to which I will presently advert. But in a Bill of this kind very much depends upon the tone, the language, and the views of those by whom it is introduced. There is a very great difference of opinion in the House, and the practicability of carrying any measure of this kind, and therefore, to a great degree, the utility of entertaining the question at all, necessarily depends on the language and views of those who promote and support it. No Bill of this kind, however amended, can be carried, I apprehend, in opposition to the declared views of the Mover of the Bill. And we have heard the views of the Mover of the Bill, as well as those of my hon. Friend who has just sat down. Each hon. Gentleman has delivered a speech of great ability. But the latter hon. Gentleman does not stand precisely in the same position of authority which he occupied last year. The speech of my hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Mr. Goschen), like all his speeches, was also one of great ability, but it was impossible to mistake its animus and spirit. It went the whole length of declaring, if I understood it rightly, that the Church of England was entitled to take within the precincts of the University whatever advantages her own hold on the public opinion of the country might give her-and, in saying that, I know well the hold of the Church on the opinion of my hon. Friend, and the manner in which, in practice, he exhibits the sincerity of that hold; but his argument went to this extent, that the Church must depend on such numerical support as she could obtain, and on nothing else. My hon. Friend says that the Church has no title to an organic recognition in the constitution of the University. I am sorry I do not accompany him in the assertion of that principle. He states that the amount of theological instruction given to Undergraduates is very small. That amount appears to be greatly understated by my hon. Friend; and I think he was unfortunate, so far as my recollection goes, in the limited modicum of that valuable commodity that, according to his statement, was administered to him during the time he was an Undergraduate. But, Sir, whether it be great or small, this is not a question of theological instruction alone. It is true, as my hon. Friend says, that the object of the University is to give a general educa

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