jecting a treaty which authorized him to send a mission to Europe - whether any person would have thought it necessary to answer that letter at all. I can only say that even now, after what has passed, if the letter were put into my hands I should say it did not require an answer. The first letter of the King had been answered, and we did not wish that Consul Cameron should come home on a mission. Having no wish to answer that letter, we sent it to the India Office to know whether they wished to answer it. Not a bit of it. They did not think it necessary that a mission should be sent to this country, the object of which was to get us to go to war with Turkey." is the long delay in replying to the letter which he addressed to Her Majesty in December, 1862, or January, 1863. It is understood that his dignity is grievously wounded by the silence, which he accepts as an affront; and this sense of injury, coupled with other circumstances, has led to the deplorable state of afairs now existing at Gondar." He thought, therefore, he was justified in saying that the neglect to answer the letter was the principal cause of the mischief. He had always maintained that when this unfortunate fate had fallen upon these unhappy people it was the duty of Her Majesty's Government to send out at the earliest period a mission, headed by an Englishman, with suitable presents to the Emperor of Abyssinia, in order to procure their release. That opinion he still maintained. Unfortunately, Mr. Rassam was Layard had stated that Mr. Rassam had been misunderstood and vituperated. Certainly, however, Mr. Rassam had never been vituperated by him. What he (Lord Chelmsford) had stated on a former occasion was He should like to know when it had been formally communicated to the King that we would not go to war with Turkey. When had a treaty been negotiated which authorized him to send a mission to Europe? He should like to know when an under-appointed to this delicate mission. Mr. standing had been come to with the King that a mission from him would not be received by Her Majesty's Government till he had given up all idea of conquest upon Turkey. He did not find any suggestion to that effect in the papers before their Lordships. He must say that, in his opinion, Mr. Layard's speech was not becoming the importance of the occasion, or the hon. Gentleman's official position. Did the noble Earl (Earl Russell) agree with him, and say that even now, after what had passed, if the letter were put into his hands, he should say it did not require an answer? The unfortunate captives had now been in prison for a period of about twenty months; but Mr. Layard threw the blame of the Consul's captivity on Consul Cameron himself. He said "In this case Consul Cameron had exceeded his instructions; he might have left the country, but he mixed himself up with its affairs, and at this moment it is impossible to say why he is imprisoned; but any one who reads the papers that have been laid upon the table will see that no one is to blame for what has happened but himself." That Mr. Rassam had been of great assistance to Mr. Layard in his operations at Nineveh. He was the assistant to the Political Resident at Aden, and no doubt a man of great ability, and "It was said that the Emperor was displeased at the smallness of Mr. Rassam's mission. But the mission did not consist of Mr. Rassam alone; he was accompanied by a medical man and other gentlemen, and had with him a small vessel of war. So far from the Emperor having been displeased by the smallness of the mission, I have reason to believe that he was frightened by the The fact was that the King had been "There are probably several causes for his altered demeanour towards Captain Cameron, the British Consul; one only need now be specified, but that is believed to be the chief of them: it This course was a most extraordinary one to pursue. The noble Earl upon a former occasion advised them not to resort to any threats or menaces, because if that were done they might be sure that the Emperor of Abyssinia, instead of surrendering his prisoners, would wreak his anger upon his unhappy captives. Now, however, the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs stated that he had reason to believe | facts of the case and the character of the that the Emperor had been frightened by ruler of Abyssinia, have nevertheless abthe small vessel of war. He had already shown that several persons of experience and knowledge of the country had offered to undertake the dangerous task of visiting Abyssinia, and that these offers had been made by gentlemen who entertained sanguine prospects of success. Among others he might mention the names of Dr. Beke and Sir William Coghlan, the latter of whom was a general officer. The Under Secretary of State, however, objected to a mission of this description, because if the Emperor were to seize these gentlemen and put them to death the Government would be responsible, and the Government shrunk from that responsibility. But, if there were persons generous enough to expose their lives for the sake of their fellow-creatures, he could not see why their offers should not be accepted. He was not aware what course had been pursued by the Government since Mr. Rassam had been unable to deliver this letter to the Emperor. He stated on a former occasion that, notwithstanding that the noble Earl said that it would not do to send presents to a semi-barbarous Sovereign, because it would lead to a belief on his part that presents were to be procured by ill-using foreigners, he understood that the noble Earl had sent out 500 stand of arms as a present to the Emperor. Therefore everything that ought to have been done originally that was not done had since been done. He repeated that it was an insult not to answer the letter of the King of Abyssinia for fifteen months, and the only reparation was by sending a mission, and thus endeavouring to release the captives. It was a reproach to England to allow these persons to languish in prison without using our utmost endeavours, and those pointed out by proper and experienced persons, to endeavour at least, though late, to relieve them from that misery which was mainly attributable to the noble Earl's conduct in this affair. EARL RUSSELL: My Lords, the noble and learned Lord has to-night, as on a former occasion, shown himself to be entirely regardless of the safety of Consul Cameron and the other persons imprisoned by the Emperor of Abyssinia, in his solicitude, that the blame on this subject should be attributed to the conduct of the Government. Others who are also not friendly to the present Government, and who are much more intimately acquainted with the stained from pursuing the course adopted by the noble and learned Lord, feeling convinced that the case is one which ought to be dealt with by the Government of the day, and that they ought to be left at full liberty to issue such directions as they may deem expedient under the peculiar circumstances of the case. The noble and learned Lord must be perfectly aware that his reason for not disclosing on a former occasion all the information Her Majesty's Government possessed upon this matter was an anxiety to avoid taking any steps that might possibly provoke greater persecution or cruelty towards British subjects in Abyssinia. It was obvious, however, from the facts already made known that Consul Cameron had not executed the instructions which he had received from Her Majesty's Government. The noble and learned Lord had said that an entirely new policy had been adopted towards Abyssinia. [Lord CHELMSFORD dissented.] I understood the noble and learned Lord to say so; but, however, I will show him what has been done by my predecessor, Lord Clarendon. In 1849, the then ruler of Abyssinia-Ras Ali-made a treaty with this country, and it was part of that treaty that a mission should be sent from Abyssinia to this country. But in November 27, 1855, Lord Clarendon wrote to say that, though the establishment of friendly relations between the two countries would be of great advantage to both, and, though the Queen would have much pleasure in receiving a mission from the Emperor, yet it was solely on the condition that His Majesty should give a distinct assurance that he renounced all idea of conquest in Egypt and at Massowah. The noble and learned Lord says that there is no proof that the Emperor received that despatch; but, as Mr. Plowden received that despatch in 1856, and he lived there until 1860, there is every reason to believe that it was communicated to the Emperor. Ras Ali, however, was overthrown by the present King of Abyssinia. Dr. Beke, whom the noble and learned Lord represented as being exceedingly well acquainted with the affairs of Abyssinia, says of the present ruler, to whom Ras Ali had given one of his daughters to wife- "With great talents and energy, ambition, combined with hypocrisy, treachery, and also and he was not long in revolting against his benecruelty, is a prominent feature of his character, factor and father-in-law." 'My fathers the Emperors having forgotten our Creator, He handed over their kingdom to the me out of the dust, and restored this empire to Gallas and Turks. But God created me, lifted my rule. He endowed me with power, and enbled me to stand in the place of my fathers. By his power I drove away the Gallas. But for the Turks I have told them to leave the land of my ancestors. They refuse. I am now going to wrestle with them."-[p. 3.] That is, he meant to go to war. He then goes on lain, the Englishman Bell, used to tell me that there Mr. Plowden, and my late Grand Chamberis a great Christian Queen, who loves all Christians. When they said to me this, 'We are able to make you known to her, and to establish friendship between you,' then in those times I was very glad. I gave them my love, thinking that I had This is the opinion of the gentleman whom the noble and learned Lord is anxious that I should send out to intercede for the captives, and I am bound to say that he is perfectly willing to go. Now, we know perfectly well that Mr. Stern, a missionary, wrote books in this country in which he gave a similar account of the King of Abyssinia, and he took two of those books to Abyssinia. His servants were cruelly tortured, and he was afterwards imprisoned, owing very much to the information given to the King that he had written these books. And yet the noble and learned Lord recommended that I should accept the generous and courageous offer of Dr. found your Majesty's goodwill. All men are subBeke, and send out a man who is al-ject to death, and my enemies, thinking to injure most certain to be imprisoned by the me, killed these my friends. But by the power King, as the fact of these books being of God I have exterminated those enemies, not published is certain to be made known leaving one alive, though they were of my own to the King by the enemies of this friendship."-[p. 3.] family, that I may get, by the power of God, your country. Consul Plowden, in one of his journeys, was taken prisoner by one of the parties in rebellion, but he was ransomed, and died soon afterwards. We were at first under the impression that the ransom had been paid by the King, but we learned afterwards that it was paid by his relatives, who had raised the sum necessary. When Captain Cameron, who had filled the office of Vice Consul, was appointed Consul, I sent him the following instructions "It seems to Her Majesty's Government un desirable that you should avow yourself the Now these persons-some say to the num- dered to the King. Now, was Her Majesty other causes, account for the King's anger. says partisan of either of the contending parties if the contest is still going on. Whatever interest Her Majesty's Government may have in Abys- "If it is meant that this was the first cause sinia can best be advanced by the tranquillity of of offence, the correctness of such an opinion may the country; but if the British agent becomes be questioned. It is true that many months had the partisan of one side, the rivalry of European elapsed, but the reply to the letter sent at the interests, which, however disavowed by the same time to the Emperor Napoleon had only just Governments of Europe, is almost invariably arrived; and had there been no other cause of found to exist on the part of their agents in dissatisfaction, Theodore would not have been so such countries as Abyssinia, will stimulate foreign unreasonable as not to have accepted the excuse agents to declare a partisanship for the other, and which the British Consul might easily and most thus a civil contest will be promoted and encour- reasonably have offered for the delay-namely, aged, which would otherwise die out of itself, or that while the letter to the Emperor of the very shortly be brought to a conclusion by the French had been conveyed immediately and di decided preponderance of a victorious party."-rectly from Massowah to Egypt, the one to the [p. 1.] Whether the policy were bad or good, these instructions, I should think, were at least clear and intelligible. The noble and learned Lord moved for a copy of the King's letter to the Queen, which is now before your Lordships. Be it remarked that Lord Clarendon had told Consul Plowden that the Government would not sanction any proceeding by the King of Abyssinia against Egypt and the Turks. In that letter the King says VOL. CLXXX. [THIRD SERIES.] Queen of England had to lie at Massowah till an opportunity presented itself of forwarding it by the roundabout way of Aden." But we all know that the Abyssinians are most arbitrary in their notions of government; there is, therefore, no saying upon what slight ground they may have taken offence, and Her Majesty's Government plainly cannot be responsible for causes which may induce the Government of that country to imprison a British Consul. But what we do know and what we are quite 2 P LORD CHELMSFORD: May I ask the noble Earl where the statement that he is now making is to be found? EARL RUSSELL: If the noble and learned Lord wishes for detailed information as to all the sources of information possessed by the Foreign Office as to the character, position, and qualifications of the messengers whom they think proper to employ, the inquiry, I am afraid, will be a wide one. certain of is that Consul Cameron, having unwholesome country, we had been obliged had special directions not to interfere in the to undertake warlike measures with a view rivalries of parties in that country, did go to accomplish their release? How powerto Gondar, and did interfere in local affairs. ful would then have been the declamations He says himself that he saved many of the noble and learned Lord, as in the lives there. But he did this by making case last year of the Ashantees. I trust himself a partisan, thereby disobeying the that a better and safer way of establishing orders he had received. We did what we relations with the King of Abyssinia has considered best under the circumstances. been adopted by Her Majesty's GovernConsul Cameron himself points out that ment. Sir William Coghlan, whom I conMr. Rassam was a person of great import- sulted as to the course which he thought ance in the place from which he came, best under the circumstances, replied that next in position to the Governor, and there- the wisest course to pursue was to wait fore likely to be acceptable to the King of for further advices. The probability was Abyssinia. that either King Theodore or his enemies would be completely defeated, and in either event negotiations might be entered upon more advantageously than they could be now. As regards the presents, for the same reason, we have pursued a cautious policy, If, without any ransom being required, we hear that the captives have been set free, we shall doubtless think it right to make the King some suitable acknowledgment. We are not, at all events, going to undertake a war on behalf of the King of Abyssinia, nor on behalf of a Consul who did not follow his instructions. The matter is one, no doubt, of considerable difficulty, nor am I at all surprised that the noble and learned Lord should have taken it up, seeing how repeatedly he and his Friends have made attacks on the Government for the policy which they have pursued in reference to other countries. Noble Lords opposite, for instance, have repeatedly expressed a wish that Italy should not be united; yet that object has been in a great degree accomplished with the approval of the Government, while we had the happiness, despite the machinations of interested parties, to see the contest in America brought to a close without breaking our neutrality. I have now stated the course which the Government have deemed it to be their duty to pursue in the present instance, and I think Captain Cameron will be restored to this country. LORD CHELMSFORD: I only ask for information in the particular case. EARL RUSSELL: The information that we received satisfied us that the position of Mr. Rassam was what I have already stated. My impression is that the refusal to receive the Queen's letter-if there was an actual refusal-was owing, not to its detention, the cause to which the noble and learned Lord refers it, but to other circumstances, one of these being that the King was unable to guarantee the safety of the persons conveying the letter, nearly the whole of the country about Massowah being occupied by forces in insurrection against his authority. That would have been a very natural reason why he should have declined to guarantee the safety of the bearer. Another explanation, and the one we are inclined to adopt, is that he may have wished to get a large British force into his power in order that he might threaten to put them to death in case the Queen did not comply with his wish to take part in operations directed against Turkey. To carry on that war was avowed originally to have been his object; it was so stated in his own letter. And what would the noble and learned Lord, anxious to lay blame on Her Majesty's Government, have said if we had actually sent a large mission to the King of Abyssinia, if the members of that mission had been imprisoned, and if, in an LORD HOUGHTON said, that he was personally acquainted with Consul Cameron, and expressed his admiration of the energy of his character as well as his regret that his noble Friend who had just spoken had not deemed it right to accept the proposal of Dr. Beke, who was a man of courage, sound judgment, and practical good sense. His noble Friend had, he thought, shown too much consideration for the dangers which Dr. Beke would incur, inasmuch he was perfectly capable of duly in preference to those of war, and develop ing the immense resources of his dominion. The noble Earl, therefore, had, he thought, no more right to refuse to aid Dr. Beke in embarking on so noble a mission than a commanding officer would have to prevent a brave soldier from leading a forlorn hope. It was the duty of the Government, he contended, to protect British subjects abroad by the arm of England, and we had no right to employ men in such places that that arm could not reach them. He hoped, under those circumstances, that the noble Earl would earnestly direct his attention during the leisure time which he was about to enjoy to the liberation of the men in question. estimating himself the nature of the perils to which he would be exposed. For his own part, he attached great value to the exertions of so experienced a traveller, and be knew no other mode in which Consul Cameron was likely to be better served. It was, of course, possible that something might be done by means of mediation with the Egyptian Government; but how to do so without implicating ourselves involved important questions of foreign policy-for we could not take an active part in the controversy on one side or the other. Consul Cameron had probably interfered with the best possible intentions, but then there was no doubt that he had acted in distinct contravention of his noble Friend's instructions. He trusted, however, that the noble Earl would not refuse to entertain further the proposed interference of Dr. Beke in the matter, for he was a person whom, he believed, might safely be intrusted with the confidential mission which he sought. CASE OF CATHERINE GAUGHAN, QUESTION, THE MARQUESS OF WESTMEATH said, he had called attention to this case THE EARL OF MALMESBURY said, twice already. The circumstances were he would not follow the noble Lord the briefly these :-A young girl, under twenty Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Italy, years of age, determined to cease to be a whither he could only have wandered as Roman Catholic, because, as she stated, being the shortest cut out of Abyssinia; she had read the Bible. Having been but he would endeavour to impress upon urged by the priests and her friends in vain him that it was most important to the in- to change her resolution, she was at last terest and honour of this country that these subjected to the violence of a mob, who captives should be released. The mode in dragged her over the rugged stones by the which that object was most likely to be hair. The sub-inspector of the district effected was by communicating with the and three other policemen were appealed to Emperor of Abyssinia; but then there for the protection of the girl, but they remust be a medium of communication, and fused to interfere, and the girl was put into he would urge on the noble Earl the expe duress, from which she was released only diency of employing Dr. Beke as the me- by the interference of the Protestant midium. He had known Dr. Beke for twenty nister, who stated in a letter that if he had years, and he could state that he was a not released her she would have been conmost intelligent man, while he possessed veyed that night to a convent. Their the further advantage of being on excel- Lordships might connect this case with lent terms with the Emperor of Abyssinia. that of Mary Ryan, who, by the connivance The noble Earl, however, seemed to think of the Home Secretary, had been spirited that he would be incurring a grave respon- away to a foreign country. Now, he desibility in acceding to the proposal which sired to inquire of Her Majesty's Governhe mentioned, because of the danger to ment, it being true that sub-inspector which Dr. Beke would be exposed; but Mark Burke of the Irish Constabulary when Dr. Beke was prepared to take all having been convicted before a Bench of the responsibility on himself, the noble Magistrates in Ireland in the month of Earl would, he thought, by giving way to February last of a gross neglect of his those considerations of delicacy to which duty, and in violation of his oath, in a he referred, be doing his duty neither to remarkable case of cruelty and oppresthe captives nor to his country. Dr. Beke sion inflicted on a poor female named had placed in his hands a paper, in which Catherine Gaughan, and his misconduct he stated that he had not the slightest having been laid before the Irish Adminisdoubt he should be able to obtain the libe- tration for judgment thereon, and the ration of the captives, as well as to con- Inspector General of the Irish Constabuvince the Emperor of Abyssinia of the lary, having in his turn condemned the wisdom of cultivating the arts of peace said Mark Burke, alleging against him |