proposed for the metropolis, the country Gentlemen always protested against any grant from the public purse. ap. IRELAND-BELFAST RIOTS. RESOLUTION. MR. O'REILLY, in rising to move the Resolution of which he had given notice for an inquiry into certain charges impugning the conduct of magistrates of Belfast contained in the evidence taken before the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the recent riots in that town, said, that on the 9th of February the Chief Secretary for Ireland stated that the Report of the Commissioners on the Belfast Riots would be in the hands of Members in a few days. It was not, however, printed until Easter, and he therefore could not call attention to it at an earlier period. As an Irishman, however, he would frankly confess that if he could tear this page from the history of his country he should be too happy to do so. Were these riots but isolated outbreaks, SIR GEORGE GREY said, he admitted that the subject was one of considerable importance, and also of some difficulty. It was impossible to deny that the result of the present system was not in all respects satisfactory. The remedy suggested by the hon. Gentleman (Sir William Fraser) appeared to be one that would not necessarily involve an increased outlay, but might ensure a better superintendence and a greater uniformity of administration. He did not, however, clearly understand what advantage would result from the pointment of a Commission, because they all knew the facts. They were all aware that under the Act constituting the Metropolitan Board of Works, the construction and superintendence of the sewerage was vested in that body, but that the lighting, paving, and cleansing of the streets were left to the parishes and the vestries, These difficulties arose from the regard of the Legislature for the cherished principle of local self-government, and were very similar to the inconveniences felt before the passing of the new Highway Act in the management of the roads by parochial | no five years-no three years-ever had authorities. The remedy provided in that case was to form many parishes into a district, and to place the management of the roads under one superintending body. That would be a great advantage in the metropolis. The real remedy was in extending the powers of the Metropolitan Board of Works, which were, he thought, very usefully exercised. The subject was well entitled to consideration, and the House were much indebted to the hon. Member for bringing it before them. At the same time, he trusted he would not press his Motion for a Commission. SIR WILLIAM FRASER said he was glad to hear the Home Secretary express an opinion that it would be better to place the powers of the present Local Boards in the hands of a Central Board. There was a great want of Ministerial responsibility in that House in regard to the government of the Metropolis. He should bring the subject forward on a future occasion, and he should not fail to bear in mind the opinion expressed by the right hon. Gentleman (Sir George Grey). He hoped before long to see London become a decent place for folks to live in. Motion, by leave, withdrawn. without antecedents and with no probable consequences, the best thing would be to forget them; but unhappily it was not so. The Chief Secretary for Ireland stated that the riots of Belfast went back as far as 1688. He (Mr. O'Reilly) would not go so far back as that, but he might state that during the last thirty years no ten years— passed without riots of a serious character breaking out in Belfast. The last riots of this kind occurred on the marriage of the Prince of Wales. While all the rest of the Empire was rejoicing, the auspicious event was celebrated in Belfast by riot and bloodshed. The evidence went to show that there was no certainty that there would not be a recurrence of these riots, and that the only hope of their prevention was by the vigorous repression of the Executive. The Commissioners stated that there was, indeed, a danger that future riots would be more serious, because there was a probability that the combatants would be better armed. It was necessary to look back into the causes of these riots, in order that they might be avoided in future. In speaking of Belfast they were speaking of a place where the causes of disturbance still remained, and where the fires were still smouldering "et incedis per ignes Suppositos cineri doloso." The first serious outbreak occurred on the 8th of August last, and the riots were not finally put down until August 20. The list of casualties gave a total of twelve deaths, eleven of which were in the Report. and one other death had since occurred thither. After ten days, however, it was found necessary to make a force of about 1,000 infantry, a large body of cavalry, and some artillery entered the town, and at last, on the 20th August, the riots were put down. The case was very different in 1857, when there were serious riots in Belfast, when Lord Carlisle, not then haunted by approaching death, was Lord Lieutenant, and the reigns of Government had not dropped from his hands into those of Major General Larcom. After the riots had lasted for two days the Right Rev. Dr. Denvir reached Dublin from the Continent and, upon hearing what had occurred, he waited upon the Lord Lieutenant. But Lord Carlisle was not the man to tell Dr. Denvir, as the right were from a gunshot wound. There was one | stipendary magistrates were dispatched case of mania produced by fright-but it was necessary to state that this was not the mayor or one of the magistrates. Not less than 312 persons were wounded. The number of gunshot wounds was ninetyeight, of which thirty were serious. It was, indeed, difficult to ascertain the total number of persons injured. The market tolls fell off in one week £50, in consequence of the danger to the market people bringing provisions to market; and the sum levied at the last sessions for the damage done to the town was about £8,000. Was it nothing that one of the first cities in the Empire should be in the hands of a mob for twelve days, that twelve lives should have been lost, and that there should have been 300 people wounded? Now, what was the cause of so extraordi- hon. Baronet had once said, that "he nary a result? What was the conduct of the authorities of the town? The first and most remarkable fact was that though during the first two days of the riots the mayor slept by night at a small distance from the town; on the 10th of August he left for Harrogate. All were anxious to escape from the cares and toil of business to some quiet spot; and it seemed to him that if they desired a harbour of refuge a bower of seclusion-Harrogate was the place to select, for they had it on the authority of the mayor, that during the eight days that he was there he heard nothing of the riots. Now, he (Mr. O'Reilly), with another Member of that House, was in Germany at the time, and every morning the telegraph flashed the accounts of the riots to Berlin and all the German capitals, and English travellers were horrified at what was called the civil war in Belfast. At the end of eight days the mayor heard something about the disturbances, and he returned to the town. But if the local authorities were at fault, what was the executive Government doing? The late Earl of Carlisle was at that time the nominal head of the Government in Ireland, but he was absent owing to his failing health; the right hon. Baronet the Chief Secretary was at Tamworth on family business, but he communicated by telegraph and gave the aid of his advice; there was but one Lord Justice in Dublin, General Brown; and the Executive was practically in the hands of the permanent Secretary, Major General Larcom. It was not until the riots had been going on for several days that 150 additiona Iconstables were sent to Belfast, and not until the second week that did not care two rows of pins" for what was admitted by the police that some shots, tentiary, a witness named Sullivan, who were fired, and they burnt the effigy of was connected with a newspaper in BelO'Connell on the top of the bridge. The fast, stated that he was cruelly beaten and magistrates and police were present during the proceedings. On the following day there was another assemblage, when the half-burnt effigy was burned; and on neither of these occasions did the authorities interfere to supress these riotous proceedings. The turning point was the beating of helpless women as they were going to their work by the Orange party; and this it was that provoked that spirit of retaliation which produced the fearful rioting that occurred and devastated Belfast. On Friday the 12th August the Roman Catholic Female Penitentiary was attacked and wrecked, and the factory girls going to work were beaten. At this time there was an available force of 200 men in the town. Fearing the consequences the Roman Catholic clergy were appealed to. The Roman Catholic population were told that they would be protected; but next day a great deal of violence was again used towards the Roman Catholic women, and on the Saturday two Roman Catholic priests were fired at. These acts, and the absence of the protection which had been promised for their women roused the spirit of the Catholics. On Monday, August 15, the navvies, who were chiefly Roman Catholics, turned out and committed that savage outrage the attack on the Brown Street schools. He had no wish to extenuate their conduct, but he wished the House to understand what was the neglect of the authorities which gave rise to it, and which led to the atrocious outrages that followed in every part of the town. He believed that if the magistrates had protected the women on the previous day, or given to them afterwards the protection they had promised, these outrages would not have been committed. In referring to the conduct of the magistrates, he should express no opinion of his own, but merely state the evidence on this point. True, that evidence was not taken npon oath, and was so far deprived of weight. But the principal witnesses were the magistrates, the officers in command of troops, and other gentlemen of position; and he submitted that their evidence raised a primâ facie case for inquiry. One witness deposed that on the 15th of August, when the riots were in progress, Captain Verner, a magistrate, was walking up and down the street armin-arm with a gentleman, and did nothing. Again, in the attack on the Pene his head covered with blood, but that Mr. The neral, which it was well known before no fault to find with the manner in which hand was to be a party demonstration, was the hon. Gentleman had brought this accompanied by a procession of 2,000 question before the House; but he should persons, and it appeared from the evidence have thought that after the discussion that, though they were firing shots, no in- which had taken place upon a former occaterference with them was attempted. The sion he would not have deemed it desirfuneral, moreover, did not take the direct able, at the close of the Session, to renew road to the churchyard, but went round, that discussion in detail. The hon. Genaccompanied by the military and police, tleman concluded his observations by giving through the public streets of Belfast. The a warning to the Government that the magistrates stated that they did not ex- season of the year was approaching when, pect that such would be the case; but, perhaps, the recurrence of these disturbnevertheless, they took no efficient steps ances might take place, and said that the to prevent it. The officer in command of responsibility of maintaining the tranquilthe troops said that he had sufficient force lity of the town of Belfast rested mainly to disarm the people, but had no directions on the Government, in consequence of the to do so; and another officer stated that changes which they had undertaken to no attempt was made to arrest them. The make in the police arrangements. He procession might have been disarmed (Sir Robert Peel) quite admitted that the when it was crossing the bridge, and main responsibility for the peace of the the reason given for not adopting that town of Belfast rested with the Governcourse was that the people might have ment, and they were, he hoped, prepared thrown their arms into the river-perhaps to check any tendency towards the renewal the best use that could have been made of disorders, such as those which occurred of them. On their return, too, all these last year. The hon. Member commenced people might, according to the evidence, his observations by saying that he should have been disarmed without any difficulty, be glad that the occurrences of the past but no steps were taken to effect that year should be forgotten; and he (Sir object. Such was the conduct of the au- Robert Peel) thought it would have been thorities, and the House would now be better if the hon. Member had allowed able to form some idea how it was that bygones to be bygones, and permitted the riots lasted so many days. He did those events, as far as possible, to be not know that further inquiry could throw buried in oblivion. Both parties in that any light upon the conduct of the mayor, town appeared now, he was happy to say, against whom no absolute charge had been to manifest towards one another a better made; but against the other magistrates spirit, and it was not desirable that former charges had been recorded which he should animosities should again be raked up bebe glad to see disproved, if they could be fore their eyes. It was true that some so disposed of, but into which a due regard delay had, as the hon. Gentleman had to the character of English justice itself stated, taken place in laying the Report of rendered it absolutely necessary that some the Commissioners on the table of the investigation should be made. The hon. House; but the Report was ready long Member concluded by moving his Resolu- before the date attached to it, and it was tion. simply to the difficulty which there was in having the evidence transcribed and brought together in one complete whole that the delay was to be attributed. For his own part, he had repeatedly urged on the Commissioners the expediency of producing their Report as speedily as possible, and the House would therefore, he hoped, be of opinion that the Government were not open to the charge which the hon. Member had made against them. There had, no doubt, as the hon. Member stated, been similar occurrences to those which he had called attention to in Belfast in former years; but the Bill which he (Sir Robert Peel) had recently submitted to ParliaSIR ROBERT PEEL said, that he had ment would, he thought, exercise a mate SIR COLMAN O'LOGHLEN seconded the Motion. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That in the opinion of this House, the evidence taken by the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the Belfast Riots, and laid upon the Table of this House, contains statements so seriously im pugning the official conduct of certain magistrates named therein, that equity to the magistrates so accused, and a due regard to the vindication of the impartiality of the administration of justice, require that a full inquiry into the truth of these charges should be instituted by the authorities intrusted with the supervision of the magistracy of Ireland."—(Mr. O'Reilly.) MR. O'REILLY: I quoted the hon. Baronet's own words. He said that in the second week of the disturbances additional magistrates were sent down. SIR ROBERT PEEL: Yes; but two were also sent down the first week. He might further observe that it was scarcely fair of the hon. Member, although he felt sure that he had no wish to produce an erroneous impression, to allude, as he had done, to an expression which he had used on a former occasion in reference to an ecclesiastical dignitary of high position in Ireland. It was not through any want of respect for that personage that he had used that expression. He had done so in a moment of haste. He admitted that he was wrong, and the circumstance was one which he regretted. He felt sure he might add that the dignitaries and clergy generally of the Roman Catholic Church would admit that he was in the habit of conducting such communications as he had with then with the most respectful deference to their position. As to the riots which took place in 1857, and to which the hon. Gentleman had referred, he would observe that they were not carried on with the same intensity of feeling as those of last year. rial influence in checking such proceedings authorities. The hon. Member said that in future. That the elements of riot still it was only in the second week of the riots existed in the town there could, he was at Belfast that a stipendiary magistrate sorry to say, be no doubt, and it was in was sent down there; but he believed appealing to the feelings of the better that more than one was sent down before classes in it, that, perhaps, the best chance the close of the first week. of extinguishing them lay. The late riots, as the hon. Gentleman remarked, begun on the 8th of August; but it was the fact that at the close of the first week the impression very generally prevailed that they had come to an end. That, indeed, seemed to have been the opinion of everybody on the Friday, and it was not until the following Monday that they burst forth with so much fury. The mayor of Belfast was present in the town during the first days of the riot; and then it appeared that, after consulting the magistrates, and he as well as they having arrived at the conclusion that the riots were subsiding, he absented himself from Belfast, in accordance with a pre-arranged plan, for the purposes of health. Now, he must say that he thought the mayor was wrong in leaving the town at such a time, and he himself must feel that he had not adopted a wise course in doing so, placed as he was in the responsible position of chief magistrate; but he believed that it was the opinion of the magistrates he knew it was the opinion of one magistrate-that there was no danger in his leaving. He (Sir Robert Peel) was not, however, surprised that the mayor did not hear of the renewed outbreak of the disturbances immediately at Harrogate, for the first intimation which he himself had upon the subject, being absent from Ireland at the time-an ab. sence which he deeply regretted-was from a French paper, which spoke of Belfast, Ville d'Ecosse, being flooded by a most serious riot. No more could, how ever, he believed, have been done than had actually been done by the Government of Ireland under all the circumstances of the case. In only one or two instances, as far as he could ascertain, had the military or constabulary force fired on the people; and indeed the great desire of the Government was to keep their hands clear from the shedding of blood-they were most anxious to avoid everything which could tend to the exasperation of the feeling which already prevailed, and they could not forget that there were at the same time riots both at Turin and Geneva, in which a considerable effusion of blood had been the consequence of the discharge of shot by order of the military In 1857 Lord Carlisle did not take a very active part in the transaction of the business of the office, beyond giving advice on important questions, and recommending the course which he thought ought to be adopted; and he (Sir Robert Peel) did not think that any blame attached to the Government for not acting in 1864 as they acted in the former year. As to the attacks on schools and chapels, they had no doubt taken place-the Report was full of such details, and they were to everybody a subject of regret. He did not suppose the House was desirous that he should enter at any length into an examination of the evidence contained in the Report; but he must remark that, while the statement of the hon. Gentleman was, in the main, substantially correct, he did not think he was justified in seeking to cast blame on the magistrates. The Motion had reference chiefly to the conduct of the magistracy and of the authorities intrusted with the supervision of the magistracy in Ireland. Now, they had first to consider |