warn the nation against believing the impossibility of the baronet himself becoming a changeling? Here, if circumstances have taught me, that it is my duty to speak, I must nevertheless claim to stand in that respect perfectly apart from a powerful writer who has dealt largely in accusation of the baronet, for his want of sincerity as a constitutional reformer. The accusation of that writer must stand or fall, as supported, or contradicted, by facts and evidence. It is not, however, to be supposed, but that while that powerful writer, as well as Lord Cochrane and myself, had free communication with the baronet, his lordship and myself, and perhaps others, heard from the complainant frequent observations to that effect. But in whatever degree I felt the force of his observations, I also felt a desire to be instrumental, if possible, towards the baronet's acting as the enlightened and virtuous expected from him, in the great cause of parliamentary reform. I therefore continued a perfectly friendly political intercourse with the baronet, until a sense of what was due to personal honour compelled me, as hath been explained, to free him from a political connexion he seemed desirous of dissolving. It will be recollected what extreme anxiety was felt by the radical reformers on the approach of the parliamentary session of 1817, when deputies from an immense number of petitioning communities assembled in London, in the ardent hope of a grand effort being made in Parliament, by means of a bill, which it is understood was to be brought in by Sir Francis Burdett. held by a corruption as notorious as it was infamous. The suffering people, agonizing under their miseries, looked, as they had a right to look, for such a bill, and their eyes, as well as the eyes of all sincere reformers, were universally turned on Sir Francis Burdett. This was, of course, the case of Mr. Cobbett, who, in the meeting of deputies, had moved a resolution of high compliments and entire confidence in Sir Francis Burdett, although at that time the baronet did not approve of universal freedom, which was the unanimous sentiment and principle of those deputies. The resolution was not at first altogether acceptable, but it was so judiciously worded, and so ably supported by Mr. Cobbett, that, according to my recollection, it was voted unanimously. When the barouet failed, on the opening day of the session, distinctly to undertake the bringing in a bill, Mr. Cobbett was greatly irritated; as may be seen from the hasty note he wrote to me on the occasion, as follows: no good, and as much harm as he can, "is at our service! "W. C." Whether the irritation of Mr. Cobbett have, or have not, since hurried him sometimes beyond the just line of censure on a public character, I have no need to remark; but certain, however, it is, that in his Registers which have appeared subsequent to the 17. of November of the memorable nomination The unparalleled distress of the nation, which distress was by that time universally seen to be a direct consequence the House of Commons not representing day for filling the present vacancy for the people, but having been metamorWestminster (written of course long before with uncommon force of lanphosed into an engine of their oppression; had given rise to numerous petitions, in which it appeared that the effective power of the House of Commons was considered as concentrated in an oligarchy, whose barefaced usurpa- in Palace-yard, opposite the door of West*His Lordship then lodged on the terrace, tion and insufferable tyranny were up-minster Hall. guage, Mr. Cobbett has told the public why, in his judgment, which events have shown to have been a prophetic kind of But now, when the double-dealing of June has been proved by the doubledealing of November, longer silence would not only be personal meanness and insensibility, but a deficiency in public fidelity. In June, it was " THOUGHT," forsooth! that an anxious and indefatigable reformer " did not wish" for an increase of means for promoting his object, "ten-times tenfold!" judgment, it must be a prime object | intention, serve the cause of freedom, with the baronet, that I, of all men, now depends on him for whom that vote should not be placed in Parliament. * was given. Independent of any other person's opinion, it, however, belongs to me to show, that notwithstanding my willing co-operation with Sir Francis, subsequent to the time aforesaid, always in the hope, and always striving, that such co-operations should be serviceable to the cause of constitutional reform, on true legislative principles, according to the improved knowledge of the age, I was neither blind, nor accessary, to the baronet's omissions. In cabinet consultation with him, or with any man, I never concurred in projecting modes of reform, with which, in the forum, I could afterwards find fault. 66 Sir In November, when that pretext could no longer serve, another was as readily coined; and a most extraordinary one it was. Francis Burdett, as chairman of a meeting for the purpose of a nomination, formally declared, that he knew, indeed, of only one individual "whose pretensions to the support of the meeting were paramount to those of Mr. "Hobhouse, and that was his venerable friend, Major Cartwright. But he was thoroughly "convinced that it would be impossible to "INSURE the Major's election for West"minster." 66 When in June, the baronet opposed his venerable friend," by playing off against him one of his "personal friends," how, I pray, was that personal friend's election "IN Even after I was acquainted with the insult on my understanding, as well as on the common sense of all who knew" how absorbed I was in an anxiety for the reform, in the pretence that it was thought I did not wish for a seat in Parliament;" such was my repugnance" to injure in any degree the cause of liberty, by then exposing that declaration, or publishing a written one of 2. of June, that I withheld all public mention of either; and likewise voted for the baronet's own election. Whether, in that, I did, or did not, according to my "I saw" what the baronet had done " for the express purpose of keeping you out.” --Dec. 5, p. 324. "The baronet dreaded you, as an associate, above all men living," &c. p. 325.-" And he resolved, that if he could avoid it, you should not be his companion."—p. 325.-" He had, by the intrigues of his Rump, caused you to be kept out of Parliament."-Dec. 12. p. 358. "It was this division, created solely by the baronet's dread of you, and, indeed, his hatred of your teasing, baiting, goading on to action, that emboldened the Whigs to come forward." (a)-p. 359. 66 They well know, that if the baronet had not set his Rump to intrigue for Kinnaird, you would have had no opposition."-p. 370. "There is not a man in the kingdom, who does not clearly see, that you have been excluded by the wishes of the baronet."-p. 368. (a) These words do not convey a correct idea of my conduct. Contenting myself with an inflexible adherence to self-evident and demonstrated principles, I ever left them to operate as they might; but never harassed the baronet with personal importunities. SURED." Short, indeed, were his memory, did he not recollect the consternation caused by that experiment; which even for a while put in jeopardy his own return, and which placed not the shock given to public feeling on that him on the poll below his colleague! Was it occasion, which “INSURED" the "personal friend's " defeat? With this recent experience of the fallibility of his own judgment,'respecting the inclinations of the Westminster electors at large, what are we to think, when in the same breath, he proclaims the "paramount pretensions" of his “venerable friend," gives it as his opinion that he cannot succeed, and yet ventures on recon mending another, and a still newer "personal friend" than the former, whose nomination proved so unfortunate, and with pretensions he thus acknowledges to be inferior? Here, gentlemen, allow me to ask you a plain question.-Were we now going to another general election, and the baronet's own return not yet INSURED, would he, with a recollection of the June experiment on the patience of the electors, impressed on his mind, now venture on an exact counterpart of that presumptuous experiment; by starting a second "personal friend," against one whose pretensions he himself tells you are 66 paramount?" Surely, nothing but the circumstance of his own seat being now safe, could have inspired this aggravated insult, this repetition of an offence, before so deeply felt! How truly contemptible is crooked policy! The whole is of a piece. All littleness, darkness, and double-dealing! Can aught that is great, noble, generous, and truly devoted to the freedom of our unhappy country, spring from such a source? It may! For if we should hold our peace the very stones would immediately cry out. I am not one of those readily-desponding mortals, who, when divisions occur,-for divisions must needs be, but woe unto them by whom they come,-fearfully infer that freedom will suffer. No. To its ultimate triumph, divisions are in truth as necessary as the fan or the thrashing floor, for dividing the chaff from the sound and solid grain ! But no matter! BELIEF! Does not this talking about be- When, last summer, it was intended to deck: untried inexperienced youth, in the spoils of long-tried fidelity, the veteran reformer was discovered to have the crime of being thought to be coming into fashion, he is, it seems, accused of the sin of “INFLEXIBI LITY!"+-inflexible, indeed, would be his risible muscles, were they not moved by such exhibition of the tricksters! What pitiful manoeuvring! In June we have one manœuvre in November another." OLD;" this winter, when versatility is In June the obstacle is a "thought" in November it is a "belief."* The election of the person of" paramount pretensions," it was believed, could not be INSURED!-Could not be INSURED. Good God! Was ever before such language addres-ed to a public To conclude: I have now performed a task nomination meeting of a few hundred inhabit- not at all to my taste. I should infinitely have ants of a city containing fourteen or fifteen preferred a continuance of a friendly political. thousand electors—a city claiming a proud pre-connexion, long maintained, and, on my part, eminence for patriotism and independence-with the utmost fidelity, to what has taken and then having a representative to choose? Was such a city, through such a meeting, ever before, in the same manner, at the same moment, and by the same orator, told of two persons, one of whom had for more than forty years steadily marched onward for the goal of reform, without having even once taken a suspicious step; and was moreover a well-known fellow-citizen; the other, however amiable and promising, a youthful and new acquaintance, whose march was yet to begin, where such a conclusion was come to as that of the baronet? What orator before ever so made his dis tinction between two competitors for confi dence, in a trust of the highest importance to his auditors and the state; and in the same breath declared, that, although one of them had "paramount pretensions to support, he recommended the other, and earnestly prayed their "unanimity" in his favour!!! place; for that connexion in its latter period, afforded me a pleasing prospect of being shortly placed in a situation to have given. me, for promoting the cause of radical reform, for the salvation of our country, ten times ten-fold means. But that connexion having, by the other party to it, been put an end to, I have thought it right to submit to you, who have a great interest in knowing the truth, the foregoing facts and reasonings. To you it must be left to judge, how far Mr. Cobbett, in his writing, prior to a possibility of his having any knowledge of the second act, in the Westminster election drama of 1818, was justified in his opinion respecting the motives of Sir Francis Burdett's conduct towards myself; and how far that deep-sighted person has shown himself a prophet, with regard to the close of the baronet's political career. 』 It will, however, be allowed, that I have How luckless hath been that persevering re not kept a malicious silence, indulging a sei former's "wish" for better means of promot-cret wish, that Mr. Cobbett's prophecies may ing his object! Most unfortunately, that come to pass, for exposing and disgracing one "wish" happened to be unknown to a brother by whom I feel myself to have been ill-treated; reformer who had the best means of knowing but that I have bestowed on the party as it, to one, who must have "thought" his wholesome a warning, and as sound advice, venerable friend with paramount pretensions for the public good, and his own reputation, to a seat in Parliament, the essence of incon- as could have been given him by his best sistency, not to have entertained that "wish." "personal friend," under a sense of the highest obligation received at his hands. But, as ill-luck would have it, in summer that "wish" becomes the victim of a "THOUGHT;" in autumn, when the thought has passed away, the throat of the "wish" is cut by a 66 BELIEF and such a The word reported is "convinced." But whatever strength this might be intended to give to the expression, it was not possible to be more than belief. JOHN CARTWRIGHT. So he was informed by a correspondent who heard the accusation. THE LOWEST THING THAT THIS WORLD EVER HEARD OF. THE poet talks of a "lower deep in the lowest deep." Here we have it. The Whig faction was in the "lowest deep" before it took in HoвHOUSE and sent him to move a flogging bill, and when it got the support of the shuffling BURDETT. But, if the following report, which DETT and The deputation was received with very "great I take from the Morning ing the immediate remission-for instance, Chronicle, be true, it has found a the taxes on Knowledge-that it was impos"lower deep in the lowest deep." BUR-sible to say to what extent the Govern HOBHOUSE having been ment would be prepared to go in the abolition hooted off from their own dunghill at of the house and window-tax, of which the the Crown and Anchor; having been Martin's parish) then read to his Lordship deputation complained. Mr. Wylde (of St. afraid to attend at a general meeting the resolutions which were passed at the meetof the candidates to be pledged to the ing of the delegates at the Quadrant Hotel, on Tuesday evening, the sentiments contained repeal of the house and window-tax; in which appeared to make considerable imand having been most famously assaultpression npou the noble Lord. Mr. Wylde ed for their non-attendance, fell upon added, that it was the firm impression of a the following scheme, in order, if pos- great majority of that class of the inhabitants sible, to be able to dupe the electors of of Westminster, whose opinions were geneWESTMINSTER once more. They got a rally considered of weight in public questions, that the assessed taxes should, and inparcel of their own stupid partisans, deed must be abolished. Sir J. C Hobhouse living in the parish of St. JAMES, to (Mr. Bowen continued) then addressed Lord solicit an interview with Lord ALTHORP Althorp, and used, in strong terms, every argument that could be urged in favour of the upon the house and window-tax. abolition of the house and window-tax; and "noble" Lord gave his consent to the not only eularged upon the necessity, but exmeeting! And, curious to relate, the pressed his firm conviction that it must be COUPLE of famous baronets went up taken off. He reminded the noble Lord that he (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) had twice made a mobefore" my Lord" with the deputation, tion in the House of Commons in furtherance to urge the necessity of taking off these of the wishes now so loudly and universally taxes, and thereby to obtain a claim for expressed by the people, upon the subject of being re-elected and trusted! But, for these taxes; and on each of those occasions he God's sake, read the report; and then had been honoured by the support of his Lordship's vote. (Cheers from the meeting.) hear me again. Lord Althorp SMILED, and said he believed the right hon. Baronet was quite right. He certainly had given those motions his support. Sir J. C. Hobhouse then again urged the subJect upon the attention of the Chancellor of this Exchequer, observing that he had a double claim to his support at this juncture, and concluded by giving it as his opinion that an equalization would not satisfy the public; but that there must be a total remission of the house and window-tax. (Hear, hear, and loud cheering from the meeting.) Mr. Bowen went on to inform the meeting that Mr. Brown, of St. James's, next proceeded to address Lord Althorp, and declared it as his firm belief, founded upon extensive means of knowledge, that nothing but the total repeal of this tax Mr. BowEN, one of the deputation, stated would satisfy the country; and that whether to the meeting, that nearly twenty gentlemen the Ministers thought proper or not to propose waited upon Lord Althorp that morning, at his to a reformed House of Commons would comoffice in Downing-street, and were met therepel them to abolish it. There was, in fact, no by the representatives of Westminster, Sir F. question upon which the people were more Burdett and Sir John Cam Hobhouse. The determined. His Lordship would recollect, VISIT OF THE DEPUTATION FROM THE PARISHES OF WESTMINSTER ΤΟ LORD ALTHORP, UPON THE SUBJECT OF THE ASSESSED TAXES. Last night, at a litt'e before nine o'clock, a meeting of the rate-payers of St. James's, Westminster, assembled at the Saddler's Arms Tavern, in the Quadraut, for the purpose of transacting some routine business, but chiefly to receive, from the delegates of that parish, a report of the result of the interview which the deputation, appointed on Tuesday night to wait upon Lord Althorp, had yesterday with that nobleman. Mr. BAWDEN was called to the chair. The struggle and that previous to the passing of the Reform that would seem impossible, we shall Bill, placards were stuck up in the windows of see things a great deal lower than this most of the houses in Westminster, stating before the end comes. the determination of the inhabitauts to pay no taxes until that measure became a law; which will now never be given up till we have demonstration of feeling had a great effect in CHEAP GOVERNMENT: both the assisting the bill in its progress; and he (Mr. factions will strive against this as long Brown) was sure, that the same expression of feeling would appear again, if any reluctance as they can, because they cannot were shown to bring about the remission of wallow in taxes and tithes, and we this odious tax. Sir Francis Burdett also have cheap Government at the same spoke on the subject, and repeated his former time. If the two factions were wise, expressed opinion, that the house and windowtax was grievous and abominable, and must be they would yield, at once; and then, repealed. (Hear, hear, from the meeting.) the frame of the Government, Lord Althorp said, that with all his willing- all private property, would be safe. ness to relieve the people, he would ask, if he But the danger is, that they will not remitted a certain portion of the taxes upon a sudden demand, whether he must not put on yield at once; but, on the contrary, some new tax to meet the exigencies of the puffed up with habitual insolence, and country? To this Sir F. Burdett replied, surrounded with power, which they "No, you must retrench: that is the only means look upon as invulnerable and immorof saving the country." (Cheers from the tal, will defend taxes and the tithes, meeting.) The interview here terminated; and the general impression amongst the depu-inch by inch. And, if they do this, tation was, that Lord Althorp seemed to think I now warn them that their peril the subject must at an early period be taken into earnest consideration. The report of the deputation was received with much applause, and the meeting separated. 66 66 is extreme, and that they will bring of the Government along with them, upon themselves, and upon the frame that which I do not care fully to describe. I would fain hope that they would take this warning into their serious thoughts; if they do not, bear in mind, that the fault is not mine; and that I have done all that I can do to prevent so terrible a catastrophe. I am for destroying none of the ancient and good institutions of the country. Very few of them remain: I am for restoring such as have been destroyed or impaired. But, I am for CHEAP GOVERNMENT ; and to obtain CHEAP GOVERNMENT shall be the incessant object of my efforts. Reader, how often have I said, "As "the end approacheth, there will be "everlasting choppings and changings "in the Ministry: the fellows that car-let them bear in mind, and let my readers ry on the concern, will get to be lower "and lower, in character as well as in "talent, till at last it will become so 66 very low a thing, that no man will "have anything to do with it, unless he "be in absolute want of the necessaries of life." Well! Is it far from this now? Here is a parish deputation, that takes hold of one Minister, and drags him up before another, and makes him tell that other that he must take off the taxes; and here is that other Minister, flatly told by the deputies of a parish, that they will refuse to pay taxes, unless these particular taxes taken off; and here is this threatened Minister promising, that his Majes-The following letter was sent by Alderman ty's Government" will take the matter into their grave consideration. And then, away go the parish deputies to their electioneering meeting, and relate what was past, and hold it forth as a reason for the people's re-electing BURDETT and HOBHOUSE. This is something quite new. Something that we have never heard of before; but, though were ALDERMAN SCALES. Scales to the editor of the Times, who declined publishing it. 66 44, Aldgate, 30. Nov. 1832. "SIR, Either from ignorance or a desire to misrepresent, you state that I, Mr. Pearson, aud Mr. Wakley, got up the meeting of yes erday. As far as I am concerned, your statement is untrue; nor do I to this moment know who did get it up, except that that highly publicspirited man Mr. Nicholson of Fenchurch |