MR. BURKE's SPEECH AT HIS ARRIVAL AT BRISTOL. I GENTLEMEN, AM come hither to folicit in person, that fa vour which my friends have hitherto endeavoured to procure for me, by the most obliging, and to me the most honourable, exertions. I have fo high an opinion of the great truft which you have to confer on this occafion; and, by long experience, fo juft a diffidence in my abilities, to fill it in a manner adequate even to my own ideas, that I fhould never have ventured of myself to intrude into that awful fituation. But fince I am called upon by the defire of feveral refpectable fellow-fubjects, as I have done at other times, I give up my fears to their wishes. Whatever my other deficiencies may be, I do not know what it is to be wanting to my friends. I am not fond of attempting to raise publick expectation by great promises. At this time, there is much cause to confider, and very little to prefume. B 3 fume. We feem to be approaching to a great crisis in our affairs, which calls for the whole wisdom of the wisest among us, without being able to affure ourselves, that any wisdom can preserve us from many and great inconveniencies. You know I fpeak of our unhappy conteft with America. I confefs, it is a matter on which I look down as from a precipice. It is difficult in itself, and it is rendered more intricate by a great variety of plans of conduct. I do not mean to enter into them. I will not suspect a want of good intention in framing them. But however pure the intentions of their authors may have been, we all know that the event has been unfortunate. The means of recovering our affairs are not obvious. So many great queftions of commerce, of finance, of constitution, and of policy, are involved in this American deliberation, that I dare engage for nothing, but that I fhall give it, without any predilection to former opinions, or any finifter bias whatsoever, the most honeft and impartial confideration of which I am capable. The publick has a full right to it; and this great city, a main pillar in the commercial intereft of Great-Britain, must totter on its bafe by the flightest mistake with regard to our American meafures. Thus much, however, I think it not amiss to lay before you; That I am not, I hope, apt to take. up or lay down my opinions lightly. I have held," and and ever shall maintain, to the best of my power, unimpaired and undiminished, the just, wise, and neceffary constitutional fuperiority of Great-Britain. This is neceffary for America, as well as for us. I never mean to depart from it. Whatever may be loft by it, I avow it. The forfeiture even of your favour, if by fuch a declaration I could forfeit it, though the firft object of my ambition, never will make me disguise my fentiments on this fubject. But,—I have ever had a clear opinion, and have ever held a conftant correspondent conduct, that this fuperiority is confiftent with all the liberties a fober and spirited American ought to defire. I never mean to put any colonift, or any human creature, in a fituation, not becoming a free-man. To reconcile British fuperiority with American liberty shall be my great object, as far as my little faculties extend. I am far from thinking that both, even yet, may not be preserved. When I first devoted myself to the publick fervice, I confidered how I fhould render myself sit for it; and this I did by endeavouring to discover what it was, that gave this country the rank it holds in the world. I found that our profperity and dignity arose principally, if not solely, from two fources; our conftitution and commerce. Both these I have spared no study to understand, and no endeavour to fupport. 8 The distinguishing part of our conftitution is its liberty. To preserve that liberty inviolate, feems the particular duty and proper truft of a member of the House of Commons. But the liberty, the only liberty I mean, is a liberty connected with order; that not only exists along with order and virtue, but which cannot exist at all without them. It inheres in good and fteady government, as in its fubstance and vital principle. The other fource of our power is commerce, of which you are so large a part, and which cannot exist, no more than your liberty, without a connection with many virtues. It has ever been a very particular and a very favourite object of my study, in its principles, and in its details. I think many here are acquainted with the truth of what I fay. This I know, that I have ever had my house open, and my poor fervices ready, for traders and manufacturers of every denomination. My favourite ambition is to have thofe fervices acknowledged. I now appear before you to make trial, whether my earnest endeavours have been fo wholly oppreffed by the weakness of my tics, as to be rendered infignificant in the eyes of abilia great trading city; or whether you chufe to give a weight to humble abilities, for the fake of the honeft exertions with which they are accompanied. This is my trial to-day. My industry is not on trial. Of my industry I am fure, as 9 as far as my conftitution of mind and body admitted. When I was invited by many refpectable merchants, freeholders, and freemen of this city, to offer them my services, I had just received the honour of an election at another place, at a very great distance from this. I immediately opened the matter to thofe of my worthy constituents who were with me, and they unanimously advised me not to decline it. They told me, that they had elected me with a view to the publick service; and as great queftions relative to our commerce and colonies were imminent, that in fuch matters I might derive authority and support from the representation of this great commercial city; they defired me therefore to set off without delay, very well perfuaded that I never could forget my obligations to them, or to my friends, for From that time the choice they had made of me. and if I should to this inftant I have not flept; your MR. |