hanc similitudinem possim dinoscere...vitia nobis sub virtutum nomine obrepunt. ib. 1 10 §§ 5. 7 nemo nostrum, quid veri esset, excussit...nihil videmus, nec quid noceat, nec quid expediat. ib. 32 §§ 4-5. 118 §§ 5-9. Obbar on Hor. ep. 1 10 29. Arrian. Epict. II 3 §§ 1. 5.

3 ILLIS i. e. veris bonis dat. as in VFl. Iv 157-8 diversa que regi| corda gerens. So Hor. Vell. Luc. Curt. and Quintil. often (Mühlmann col. 459). So the dat. is found with differre, distare, abhorrens.

6

ILLIS MULTUM DIVERSA i. e. mala. So recte an secus, recte secusne, bene an secus, τὰ καλὰ καὶ τὰ μή, τὰ χρηστὰ ἢ τὰ ἕτερα (Wytt. ad Plat. Phaed. 114 cited by Heinrich). 4 ERRORIS NEBULA from [Plat.] Alc. II 150deas Homer [E 127 seq. cf. P 643-9] says that Athena removed the mist [axiv] from the eyes of Diomedes, that he might well distinguish a god and a man, so you too, as it seems to me, must first remove the mist from the soul, which is now upon it, and then apply the means whereby you are to distinguish the good and the bad.' See Max. Tyr. DCass. Eus. in HSt. dxλús ad fin. Theodoret. gr. aff. cur. 14 p. 41. 48 we must discover every method to dispel the fog [ouixλny] that weighs them down, and to shew them the brightness of the intellectual light.' Lact. v 10 § 5 tenebrarum et errorum nubes hominum pectora obduxit. Prud. hamart. 88 sunt animis etiam sua nubila crassus et aer. cf. the context. RATIONE on principle,' 'by reason's rule.' Plin. ep. 1x 7 §1 aedificare te scribis. bene est: inveni patrocinium; aedifico enim iam ratione quia tecum. Generally cum is prefixed to the abl. modi, when not accompanied by pron. or adj.; a few substantives however are used almost adverbially without cum, as vi, more, modo, iure, dolo, silentio Zumpt § 472 n. 1. Madvig § 258 n. 2.

TIMEMUS AUT CUPIMUS Obbar on Hor. ep. 1 6 9, 10. Munro and Lachmann on Lucr. vI 25. Sen. ep. 82 § 6 sciat, quo iturus sit, unde ortus, quod illi bonum, quod malum, quid petat, quid evitet, quae sit illa ratio, quae adpetenda ac fugienda discernat, qua cupiditatum mansuescit insania, timorum saevitia compescitur. ib. 88 §§ 3-4. Philosophy teaches us to discriminate true from false pleasures and pains, Xaipei Kai Xureîolai ois deî Aristot. eth. Nic. 2 § 9-3 § 2. Berkeley minute philos. VII 34. Sen. ep. 123 § 13 debemus itaque exerceri ne haec [labour, death, pain, reproach, spare diet] timeamus, ne illa [riches, pleasures, beauty, ambition] cupiamus. ibid. 121 § 4.

5 DEXTRO PEDE Petron. 30 after we had been sated with these pleasures, as we were about to enter the dining-room, one of the slaves, appointed to the express function, cried out dextro pede.' Sil. VII 171-2 attulit hospitio...pes dexter et hora Lyaeum. Prudent. c. Symm. 11 79 feliciter et pede dextro. Vitruv. in 3 § 4 the steps to a temple should always be odd in number, that the worshipper may mount the first step dextro pede, and also enter the temple right foot foremost. cf. Iambl. vit. Pyth. § 156: [Eur. Bacch. 943-4 év dežią xpǹ xaua deği modi alpew vw (the thyrsus) J. E. S.] Apul. Met. 1 5 p. 27 having set out left foot foremost (sinistro pede profectum), I was, as usual, disappointed.' Cf. Ov. Ibis 101 ominibusque malis, pedibusque occurrite laevis. The gods are entreated to come pede secundo (i. e. Serv. Aen. VIII 302 omine prospero) Aen. x 255. Aug. ep. 17-44 § 2 What does Namphanio [a Punic word] mean but a man of good foot, i.e. one who brings luck with him; as we commonly say that he has entered secundo pede, whose entrance has been followed by some prosperity?' Cf. Prop. I-IV 1 6 quove pede ingressi? Ov. fast. 1 514 felici pede. heroid. XXI 69, 70. Plin. XXVIII § 28 some spat into their

right shoe before putting it on, others on crossing a place where they had encountered danger.. Augustus (Suet. 92) regarded it as of evil omen to put the left shoe on the right foot. CONCIPIS plan. cf. conc. fraudes. 6 PERACTI Ov. ibis 97 peragam rata vota sacerdos. Here 'accomplished,' as Nep. 25 22 § 8 propositum...peregit. Stat. Th. XI 671 spes longa peracta est. 7 seq. 111. 346 seq. From [Plat.] Alc. 11 138 b. 141 many call down ruin upon themselves, not wittingly, as Oedipus, but mistaking it for a blessing. 142. 143' Ignorance makes us pray for what is worst for us. Any one would think himself able to pray for the best for himself, not the worst; for that is more like a curse than a prayer. EVERTERE DOMOS 108. cf. VM. above p. 65. Cic. p. Cael. § 28 nullius vitam labefactent, nullius domum evertant. The gods have overthrown,' they have been known to do so; e.g. Midas, Semele, Phaethon, Theseus (Eur. Hipp. 44 seq.).

OPTANTIBUS IPSIS abl. Sen. ep. 22 § 12 rise to a better life by the favour of the gods, but not as they favour those, on whom with good and kind look they have bestowed mala magnifica, ad hoc unum excusati, quod ista, quae urunt, quae excruciant, optantibus data sunt. cf. Fronto de nepote amisso II p. 233 Naber. 8 FACILES compliant, gracious. Ov. m. v 559. Mart. 1 103 4 riserunt faciles et tribuere dei. cf. the whole epigr. xII 6 10. Luc. 1 505-6 o faciles dare summa deos, eademque tueri | difficiles. NOCITURA Sen. ep.

110 § 10 quidquid nobis bono futurum erat, deus et parens noster in proximo posuit...nocitura altissime pressit. TOGA by the arts of

peace,' in the forum and the senate VIII 240. Cic. in Pis. § 73 pacis est insigne et otii toga; by the words cedant arma togae, he meant bellum ac tumultum paci atque otio concessurum. Plin. paneg. 56 § 7. DCass. XLI 17 § 1 ἐσθῆτα τὴν εἰρηνικήν. 9 TORRENS DICENDI COPIA

128 n. III 74. Quintil. III 8 § 60 torrens ... dicentis oratio. Hence Auson. prof. I 17 dicendi torrens tibi copia. The repetition in torrens dicendi copia and facundia is characteristic of Iuv. Lupus (22, 23) cites II 80. 102. III 26. 135-6. 287. Iv 152. VI 25. 139. 200. 237. 268. 286. 311. 359. 493. 658. VII 3. 48-9. 53-5. 84—5. VIII 50. 71--2. 80-1. IX 43. 71-2. 106. x 112-3. 188. 348. XIII 28. 189-90. 240. XIV 16-7. 31. 42. 56. 188. 281-2. xv 26. 79. 129-30. xvI 35. Ribbeck (der unechte Iuv. 42) adds x 29-30. 88-9. 104-5. etc. 10 MORTIFERA 114-132.

ILLE 171 n. the Pythagorean (Iambl. vit. Pyth. §§ 104. 249. 267. Porph. vit. Pyth. § 55) Milo of Croton, 'wedged in the timber which he strove to rend' (Roscommon, in Gifford), and there eaten by wolves schol. h. 1. VM. Ix 12 E § 9. Gell. xv 16. Strab. VI 1 § 12 p. 263. Paus. vI 14 2 § 8. He lived at the time of the Persian war (Herodot. III 137 § 4) and his Olympian victories first were celebrated by Simonides (Anth. Plan. III 24, 11 p. 631 Jacobs). Testimonies to his prowess in Aristot. ap. schol. Theocr. Iv 6. Cic. de fat. § 30. Cat. mai. § 33. Plin. vII § 83. xxxvii § 144. Paus. ib. §§ 5-7. Ael. v. h. 11 24. xii 22. Philostr. Apoll. IV 28. anthol. Pal. II 230-240. Ioann. Antioch. in Müller fragm. hist. Iv 540. He led (A.D. 510) the army of Croton against thrice the number of Sybarites, wearing it is said, his Olympic crowns, and equipped in the fashion of Hercules with a lion's skin and club' (DS. XII 9 §§ 5, 6). His voracity Athen. x 412-413. Ov. Ibis 609, 610 utque Milon, robur diducere fissile temptes, nec possis captas inde referre manus. 11 VIRIBUS CONFISUS VM. 1. c. fretus viribus accessit ad eam [the oak which he saw in a field split with wedges] insertisque manibus divellere conatus est. Paus. 1. c. (and thence

iurare pudebit, et quem, si steteris umquam cervice soluta,] nunc olim factura deum es.

245-253 Another rustic from Arpinum, Marius, was once a day-labourer, then a private in the army; yet he repelled the invasion of the giant Cimbri, and his high-born colleague Catulus was fain to reap but the second laurels.

245 ARPINAS ALIUS Cicero often names Marius as his fellow-townsman x 276-7 n. de legg. 11 § 6 quod ex eo [Arpino] duo sui conservatores exstitissent. p. Sull. § 23. p. red. ad Quir. §§ 19 20. p. Sest. §§ 50. 116. VM. VI 9 § 14 C. Marius... Arpinatibus honoribus iudicatus inferior quaesturam Romae petere ausus est.... ex illo Mario tam humili Arpinate, tam ignobili Romae, tam fastidiendo candidato ille Marius evasit, qui Africam subegit, qui Iugurtham regem ante currum egit, qui Teutonorum Cimbrorumque exercitus delevit. anthol. lat. 843 R. The father of M. unknown Ael. v. h. XII 6. VOLSCORUM Sil. XII 175 clarum Volscorum Tulli decus. schol. Cic. p. Sull. § 22 notissimum est autem fuisse Ciceronem natione Volscum, Arpino municipio, unde illi quaedam peregrinitatis ab invisoribus concinnabatur infamia.

246 MERCEDES I 108. Hor. s. II 2 115 Heindorf fortem mercede colonum. Plut. Mar. 3. Marius was the son of obscure parents, who gained their living by the labour of their hands, and were poor. It was late before he saw Rome, and became acquainted with the habits of the city, up to which time he lived at Cirrheaton (?), a village in the territory of Arpinum, where his mode of life was rude when contrasted with the polite and artificial fashions of a city, but temperate and in accordance with the old Roman discipline. He first served against the Celtiberians, when Scipio Africanus was besieging Numantia.' Cic. p. Font. § 33. p. Balb. § 47. Sall. b. I. 63 § 3. VM. 11 2 § 3. Plin. xxxIII § 150 ille arator Arpinas et manipularis imperator. Fronto princ. hist. p. 205 Naber omnibus Arpinati paupertate aut Nursina duritia ducibus bellicosior extitit. Ael. v. h. xII 6 Periz. Sen. de ben. v 16 § 2 C. Marius ad consulatum a caliga perductus, qui nisi Cimbricis caedibus Romana funera aequaverit etc. 247 NODOSAM Apul. met. Ix 40 sed ubi nullis precibus mitigari militem magisque in suam perniciem advertit efferari, iamque inversa vite de vastiore nodulo cerebrum suum diffindere. FRANGEBAT VI 479 hic frangit ferulas. 193 n. Marquardt III (2) 282.

VITEM XIV

248 DOLABRA see

Rich. Maecenas, in the speech put into his mouth by DCass. LII 25 §§ 6—7, warns Augustus to exclude those who have served ev Tŷ TEтayμévų from the senate. τούτων μὲν γὰρ τῶν καὶ φορμοφορησάντων καὶ λαρκοφο ρησάντων καὶ αἰσχρὸν καὶ ἐπονειδιστόν ἐστιν ἐν τῷ βουλευτικῷ τινας ἐξετά Seo@al. Plutarch Mar. 13 gives two explanations of a slang term 1) he trained the soldiers to such drudgery, races, long marches under heavy burdens, cooking for themselves, etc. that willing and hardworking soldiers were thenceforward called Marius' mules. 2) Scipio in the siege of Numantia was so pleased with the condition of the horse and mule groomed by M. that he often spoke of them: οὕτως ἄρα τοὺς σκώπτοντας ἐν ἐπαίνῳ τὸν ἐνδελεχῆ καὶ τλήμονα καὶ φιλόπονον Μαριανὸν ἡμίονον προσαγορεύειν. 250 Flor. I 37=111 3 § 4 sed nec primum impetum barbarorum Silanus [cons. B. c. 109], nec secundum Manlius [cons. B.c. 105], nec tertium Carpio [proc. B.C. 105], sustinere potuerunt : omnes fugati, exuti eastris. actum erat, nisi Marius illi saeculo conti

gisset. Sall. Iug. 114 per idem tempus adversum Gallos ab ducibus nostris Q. Caepione et Cn. Manlio male pugnatum; quo metu Italia omnis contremuit...Romani sic habuere, alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse, cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria certare...ea tempestate spes atque opes civitatis in illo [Mario] sitae. Cicero calls Marius p. imp. Pomp. § 60 spes imperii. p. Sest. § 37 conservator patriae. cf. ib. § 38. de prov. cons. § 32. Liv. epit. LXVIII.

I

252 Diodor. exc. Vat. xxxvII p. 113 Mai (p. 125 Dind.) 'The Cimbri, in form like giants, in strength unsurpassed.' Plut. Mar. 11: 'the most probable conjecture was, that they [the Cimbri] were Germanic nations belonging to those who extended as far as the Northern Ocean, and this opinion was founded on their great stature,' etc. Sen. de ira 1 11 § 1 quid enim est aliud, quod barbaros tanto robus tiores corporibus, tanto patientiores laborum comminuat, nisi ira infestissima sibi?... § 2 quid Cimbrorum Teutonorumque tot milia superfusa Alpibus ita sustulit, ut tantae cladis notitiam ad suos non nuntius, sed fama pertulerit, nisi quod erat illis pro virtute ira? Flor. I 37=III 3 says of the Teuton king Teutobocchus who used to vault over four or six horses: insigne spectaculum triumphi fuit. quippe vir proceritatis eximiae super tropaea sua eminebat. [Quintil.] decl. 3 § 14 non enim nobis vehementiora corpora, quam vel his ecce Cimbris. ib. § 13 inusitata corporum magnitudo. So of the Germans Colum. III 8 § 2. Tac. h. v 14. G. 4. Agr. 11. 253 LAURO Ov. tr. Iv 2 51 52 tempora Phoebea lauro cingentur, 'io'que | miles, 'io,' magna voce Triumphe' canet. met. 1 560-5.

COLLEGA Plut. Mar. 14 The many, seeing that the circumstances required a man of his energy and good fortune, voted for the fourth consulship of Marius [B.C. 102], and gave him for colleague Catulus Lutatius, a man who was esteemed by the nobility.' Vell. 11 12 § 5 'Marius, in his fifth consulship [B.C. 101], in the plains called the Raudii Campi on this side the Alps, gained a decisive victory in conjunction with the proconsul Q. Lutatius Catulus. One hundred thousand men were killed or taken.' Plut. Mar. 27 The whole credit was given to Marius, both on account of his previous victory, and his superior rank. And, what was most of all, the people gave him the title of the third founder of Rome...and they thought that he alone ought to celebrate both triumphs. Marius however did not triumph alone, but Catulus shared the honour, for Marius... was afraid of the soldiers, who were prepared not to let Marius triumph, if Catulus was deprived of the honour.' VM. Ix 12 § 4 Q. Catulus, Cimbrici triumphi C. Mario particeps a senatu datus. Cic. Tusc. v § 56.

་

254-258 The souls of the Decii were plebeian, plebeian their names, yet to mother Earth and the gods below their sacrifice was an atonement sufficient for all the legions of Rome, themselves more worth than all the host they saved.' 254 DECIORUM XIV 239. Before the great battle with the Latins near Vesuvius, B.C. 340, the two consuls, P. Decius Mus and T. Manlius Torquatus, having been warned in a dream (Liv. VIII 6 § 10) ex una acie imperatorem, ex altera exercitum dis manibus matrique terrae deberi, agreed that whichever of them should see his wing give way, should devote himself. The wing of Decius giving way, he devoted himself with these words ib. 9 § 8 'pro republica Quiritium, exercitu, legionibus, auxiliis populi Romani Quiritium, legiones auxiliaque hostium mecum dis manibus Tellurique devoveo.' ib. x 7 §§ 3-4. Att. fab. praetext. 15 of

...

born?... why have you estates beyond sea, more than you have ever seen? more slaves than you can recollect?' See the whole treatise and ep. 87 on the true riches. In his consolation addressed to his mother Helvia 14 § 3 he says that she always rejoiced in her sons' wealth, but never drew upon it. A. D. 55 some blamed Seneca and Burrus, viros gravitatem adseverantes, for dividing houses and country mansions among them as so much booty Tac. XIII 18. A. D. 58 P. Suillius asked (Tac. XIII 42) 'by what philosophic rule Seneca had, in four years of imperial favour, amassed 300,000,000 sesterces? [cf. DCass. LXI 10. The fortune of Pallas was the same; Narcissus and Cň. Lentulus had each 400 millions Friedländer 12 192]. At Rome he swept up as in a drag-net bequests and orbi, and drained Italy and the provinces [e. g. Britain DCass. LXII 2] by exorbitant usury.' A. D. 62 Seneca was accused (Tac. XIV 52) of still adding to wealth already exceeding a private standard, of ambitious designs, and of outdoing the emperor himself in the splendour of his parks and country houses, hortorum amoenitate et villarum magnificentia. Sen. to Nero (ib. 53): You have heaped upon me such an abundance of offices and wealth, that nothing is wanting to my good fortune but to moderate it.... You have surrounded me with boundless treasures, so that I often ask myself, Do I, a man of equestrian and provincial family, take rank with the noblest of the realm?... where is that spirit satisfied with a modest fortune? does it lay out such parks as these, tales hortos extruit, and stalk through these suburban estates, and run riot in so vast territories, such boundless revenues? The only excuse that presents itself is (cf. Sen. de ben. II 18) that I was not free to reject gifts from your hand.' He begs (c. 54) to be relieved of the burden which oppresses him; he would gladly devote to the improvement of his mind the time now set apart for the management of his property, quod temporis hortorum aut villarum curae seponitur. Nero replies (c. 55) 'what you have done for me will abide with me till death; what you have received from me, horti, et fenus et villae, is all at the mercy of chance. . . . I am ashamed to name freedmen, who are seen richer than you. I blush to think that you do not excel all the world in fortune, as you do in worth.' In short he refused to relieve Seneca of his wealth (c. 56. Suet. Nero 35); who however changed his course of life, holding no more levées, and keeping close within doors. A. D. 62 (Tac. XIV 65) he was suspected of treasonable correspondence with Piso. After the fire of Rome, A. D. 64, he made over his riches to Nero, as a contribution to the expenses of rebuilding the city (DCass. LXII 25 § 3). 17 SENECAE HORTOS CLAUSIT TOTA COHORS A.D. 65 Antonius Natalis denounced Seneca as a confederate of Piso's (Tac. xv 56, 60): a tribune invested, globis militum saepsit, his villa. His wife insisted on sharing his fate (Tac. 61-63). Seneca's nephew, Lucan, also the owner of horti marmorei (Iuv. vII 79-80) engaged in the conspiracy from personal pique, Nero having disparaged his poems (Tac. xv 49); he denounced his own mother (ib. 56), but did not thereby escape death (ib. 70). Mela, Lucan's father, while endeavouring to secure his son's property, was accused on the strength of a forged correspondence, which Nero, opibus eius inhians (Tac. xvI 17), professed to receive as genuine. He too, like his brother and sister-in-law and son, bled himself to death. On horti see 1 75 n. Valerius Asiaticus, another Naboth, was murdered by order of the Roman Jezebel Messalina for the sake of his horti DGass. LX 31 §5. Tac. XI 1. 3. EGREGIAS LATERANORUM AEDES Plautius Lateranus (VIII 147 n.), cos. des. joined in Piso's conspiracy from patriotic