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hanc similitudinem possim dinoscere...vitia nobis sub virtutum nomine obrepunt. ib. 1 10 SS 5. 7 nemo nostrum, quid veri esset, excussit...nihil videmus, nec quid noceat, nec quid expediat. ib. 32 SS 4—5. 118 $95—9. Obbar on Hor. ep. 1 10 29. Arrian. Epict. II 3 SS 1. 5. 3 ILLIS i. e, veris bonis dat, as in VFl. iv 157–8 diversa que regi | corda gerens. So Hor. Vell. Luc. Curt. and Quintil, often (Mühlmann col. 459). So the dat. is found with differre, distare, abhorrens. ILLIS MULTUM DIVERSA i. e. mala. So recte an secus, recte secusne, bene αη secus, τα καλά και τα μή, τα χρηστά ή τα έτερα (Wytt. ad Ρlat. Phaed. 114° cited by Heinrich).
4 ERRORIS NEBULA from [Plat.] Alc. II 150de • as Homer (E 127 seq. cf. P 643—9] says that Athena removed the mist [axlúv] from the eyes of Diomedes, that he might well distinguish a god and a man, so you too, as it seems to me, must first remove the mist from the soul, which is now upon it, and then apply the means whereby you are to distinguish the good and the bad.' See Max. Tyr. DCass. Eus. in HSt. exlús ad fin. Theodoret. gr. aff. cur. I 4 p. 4 1. 48 we must discover every method to dispel the fog [oulx,nu] that weighs them down, and to shew them the brightness of the intellectual light.' Lact. v 10 § 5 tenebrarum et errorum nubes hominum pectora obduxit. Prud. hamart. 88 sunt animis etiam sua nubila crassus et aer. cf. the context.
on principle,' by reason's rule.' Plin. ep. 1x 7 $ 1 aedificare te scribis. bene est: inveni patrocinium; aedifico enim iam ratione quia tecum. Generally cum is prefixed to the abl. modi, when not accompanied by pron, or adj.; a few substan. tives however are used almost adverbially without cum, as vi, more, modo, iure, dolo, silentio Zumpt 472 n. 1. Madvig $ 258 n. 2. TIMEMUS AUT CUPIMUS Obbar on Hor. ep. 1 6 9, 10. Munro and Lach. mann on Lucr. vi 25. Sen. ep. 82 8 6 sciat, quo iturus sit, unde ortus, quod illi bonum, quod malum, quid petat, quid evitet, quae sit illa ratio, quae adpetenda ac fugienda discernat, qua cupiditatum mansuescit insania, timorum saevitia compescitur. ib. 88 SS 3—4. Philosophy teaches us to discriminate true from false pleasures and pains, xalpelv kal lurtelobal ols dei Aristot. eth. Nic. 2 $ 9- 3 $ 2. Berkeley minute philos. VII 34. Sen. ep. 123 § 13 debemus itaque exerceri ne haec [labour, death, pain, reproach, spare diet] timeamus, ne illa [riches, pleasures, beauty, ambition] cupiamus. ibid. 121 $ 4.
5 DEXTRO PEDE Petron. 30 after we had been sated with these pleasures, as we were about to enter the dining-room, one of the slaves, appointed to the express function, cried out dextro pede.' Sil. VII 171—2 attulit hospitio...pes dexter et hora Lyaeum. Prudent. c. Symm. 11 79 feliciter et pede dextro. Vitruv. III 3 $ 4 the steps to a temple should always be odd in number, that the worshipper may mount the first step dextro pede, and also enter the temple right foot foremost. cf. Iambl. vit. Pyth. $ 156: [Eur. Bacch. 943—4 ev değię xon xăpa dečim Tod | alpelv vw (the thyrsus) J. E. S.] Apul. Met. 1 5 p. 27 having set out left foot foremost (sinistro pede profectum), usual, disappointed.' Cf. Ov. Ibis 101 ominibusque malis, pedibusque occurrite laevis. The gods are entreated to come pede secundo (i. e. Serv. Aen. VIII 302 omine prospero) Aen. < 255. Aug. ep. 17=44 § 2
What does Namphanio [a Punic word] mean but a man of good foot, i.e. one who brings luck with him; as we commonly say that he has entered secundo pede, whose entrance has been followed by some pros. perity?' Cf. Prop. III=IV 1 6 quove pede ingressi? Ov. fast. 1 514 felici pede. heroid. XXI 69, 70. Plin. XXVIII S 28 some spat into their
right shoe before putting it on, others on crossing a place where they had encountered danger. . Augustus (Suet. 92) regarded it as of evil omen to put the left shoe on the right foot.
CONCIPIS plan. cf. conc. fraudes.
6 PERACTI Ov. ibis 97 peragam rata vota sacerdos. Here 'accomplished,' as Nep. 25 22 & 8 propositum...peregit. Stat. Th. XI 671 spes longa peracta est.
7 seq. 111. 346 seq. From [Plat.] Alc. 11 138 be. 141 many call down ruin upon themselves, not wittingly, as Oedipus, but mistaking it for a blessing. 142.d. 1436 Ignorance makes us pray for what is worst for us. Any one would think himself able to pray for the best for himself, not the worst; for that is more like a curse than a prayer.
EVERTERE DOMOS 108. cf. VM, above p. 65. Cic. p. Cael. § 28 nullius vitam labefactent, nullius domum evertant. *The gods have overthrown,' they have been known to do 80; e. g. Midas, Semele, Phaethon, Theseus (Eur. Hipp. 44 seq.).
OPTANTIBUS IPSIS abl. Sen. ep. 22 $ 12 rise to a better life by the favour of the gods, but not as they favour those, on whom with good and kind look they have bestowed mala magnifica, ad hoc unum excusati, quod ista, quae urunt, quae excruciant, optantibus data sunt. cf. Fronto de nepote amisso II p. 233 Naber.
8 FACILES compliant, gracious. Ov. m. v 559. Mart. 1 103 4 riserunt faciles et tribuere dei. cf. the whole epigr. XII 6 10. Luc. 1 505—6 o faciles dare summa deos, eademque tueri | difficiles.
NOCITURA Sen, ep. 110 8 10 quidquid nobis bono futurum erat, deus et parens noster in proximo posuit...nocitura altissime pressit.
TOGA ' by the arts of peace,' in the forum and the senate vii 240. Cic. in Pis. $ 73 pacis est insigne et otii toga; by the words cedant arma toga e, he meant bellum ac tumultum paci atque otio concessurum. Plin. paneg. 56 & 7. DCass. XLI 17 8 1 εσθήτα την ειρηνικήν.
9 TORRENS DICENDI COPIA 128 n. III 74. Quintil. III 8 $ 60 torrens... dicentis oratio. Hence Auson. prof. : 17 dicendi torrens tibi copia. The repetition in torrens dicendi copia and facundia is characteristic of Iuv. Lupus (22, 23) cites II 80. 102. III 26. 135—6. 287. IV 152. VI 25. 139. 200. 237. 268. 286. 311, 359. 493. 658. VII 3. 48–9. 534-5. 81–5. VIII 50. 71_2. 80–1. IX 43. 71–2. 106. x 112—3. 188. 348. XIII 28. 189—90. 240. XIV 16—7. 31. 42. 56. 188. 281–2. XV 26. 79. 129–30. XVI 35. Ribbeck (der unechte Iuv. 42) adds x 29–30. 88–9. 104-5. etc. 10 MORTIFERA 114–132.
ILLE 171 n. the Pythagorean (Iambl. vit. Pyth. $S 104. 249. 267. Porph. vit. Pyth. $ 55) Milo of Croton, • wedged in the timber which he strove to rend' (Roscommon, in Gifford), and there eaten by wolves schol. h. 1. VM. 1x 12 E 89. Gell. xv 16. Strab. vi 1 § 12 p. 263. Paus. vi 14 2 8 8. He lived at the time of the Persian war (Herodot. 111 137 § 4) and his Olympian victories first were celebrated by Šimonides (Anth. Plan. 111 24, 11 p. 631 Jacobs). Testimonies to his prowess in Aristot. ap. schol. Theocr. IV 6. Cic. de fat. 30. Cat. mai. & 33. Plin. VII S 83. XXXVII § 144. Paus. ib. SS 5—7. Ael. v. h. II 24. XII 22. Philostr. Apoll. IV 28. anthol. Pal. II 230—240. Ioann. Antioch. in Müller fragm. hist. iv 540. He led (A.D. 510) the army of Croton against thrice the number of Sybarites, wearing it is said, his Olympic crowns, and equipped in the fashion of Hercules with a lion's skin and club' (DS. XII 9 SS 5, 6). His voracity Athen. x 412_4134. Ov. Ibis 609, 610 utque Milon, robur diducere fissile temptes, | nec possis captas inde referre manus.
11 VIRIBUS CONFISUS VM. 1. c. fretus viribus accessit ad eam [the oak which he saw in a field split with wedges] insertisque manibus divellere conatus est. Paus. I. c. (and thence Suid. Μίλων. φρόνημα) υπό φρονήματος. Strab. 1. c. (who doubts the story) τη δε αυτη ρωμη πεποιθότα είκός και την ιστορουμένην υπό τινων ευρέσθαι KataOtpooing toû Biov. Confisus, though perf. in form, is here pres, in sense : cf. fisus, diffisus, ratus, solitus, usus, veritus. PERIIT in early inscriptions we find redieit, venieit etc. See Lachmann and Munro on Lucr. 111 1042. corp. inscr. lat. 1 601 col. 3. Corssen üb. Aussprache u. s. W. 12 608—9 and ind. 11 1064 col. 1 (where is the Oscan and Umbrian perf. in -eit). Ritschl opusc. philol. 11 642. Heinsius on Ov. m. 1 114. Ovid esp. lengthens the final i. ADMIRANDISQUE LACERTIS VM. 1.c. eumque cum tot gymnicis palmis lacerandum feris praebuit. DS. 1. c. $ 6 he was admired among his fellow-citizens as the author of the victory.'
LACERTIS the arm from the shoulder to the elbow. Cic. Cat. mai. § 27 Milo in his old age, seeing athletes training, aspexisse lacertos suos dicitur, saying with tears: at hi quidem iam mortui sunt. Ov. m. xv 229–31 fletque Milon senior, cum spectat inanes | illos, qui fuerant solidorum mole tororum | Herculeis similes, fluidos pendere lacertos. On lac. as the seat of strength see the lexx. For the thought cf. DS. 1x 14 $ 1'not the possession, but the right use, of power is the great thing: for what profit had Milo of his bodily strength?'
12-27 Still more numerous are the victims of money; the fortune piled up with endless pains, towering among all other incomes, as a British whale among dolphins, chokes its master. In Nero's reign of terror it was the rich who were singled out for slaughter, the full sponge was squeezed: Longinus and the wide park of wealthy Seneca were invested by a whole cohort; the sumptuous mansion of Lateranus was beset: seldom does a soldier come to ransack the garret of the poor. Though you carry but a few small pieces of plain silver plate, you will fear the sword and pike as you set out on your journey before dawn; the shadow of a reed quivering in the moon will set you quaking. The wayfarer who has no such dangerous load will sing unconcerned before the footpad's face. The first prayer, most familiar to every temple, is for riches, that our funds may grow, our coffer be the best-filled in all the exchange. Yet no poison is drunk from earthen bowls; then fear it, when you put a jewelled cup to your lips, costly Setine wine sparkling in a broad beaker of gold.
12 seq. XIV 265 seq. 303 seq. Prop. IV = III 7. Lucian Saturn. 26. Maxim. Tyr. XI=XXX $1.Midas bemoans his wealth, and recants his prayer;' an allegory, the fool's prayer turns to his own hurt, he prays that he may win, and when he has won repents. Palladas anth. Pal. ix 394 gold, father of flatterers, son of pain and care, to have thee, is fear, and to want thee, pain.' Hor. C. III 16 17. Sen. ep. 115 $$ 16. 17. 13 STRANGULAT Shakespeare choked with ambition.' Sen. de tranq. an.2 § 10 in angusto inclusae cupiditates sine exitu se ipsae strangulant. cf. ep. 51 § 13 voluptates ... latronum more . . . . in hoc nos amplectuntur, ut strangulent. Ov. tr. v 1 63 strangulat inclusus dolor. Lubin cites Diog. ep. ad Chrysen “like Midas, you starve amidst your wealth, strangled as it were with a rope of gold.' 14 QUANTO without tanto (which occurs e. g. VIII 140—1) cf. II 125. Plat. apol. 39d xaletútepoi öow veurePOL. 30a. Burm. on Ov. m. IV 64. Schwarz on Plin. pan. 73 § 3. Liv. xxi 53 § 10 segnius . . quanto longius. Tac. an. 111 43 maior ..., quanto... opulentior. DELPHINIS with the double form delphin, -is, or -us, -i Priscian (vi § 25) compares elephas, elephantus, Arabs, Arabus. Strange fables are reported of the dolphin by Aristot. Plin. Opp. in Lenz Zoologie der Alten
254–61. Add the amorous dolphin of Plin. ep. ix 33. Hofmann s.v. Bochart Hieroz. pt. 1 7. pt. ii v 12.
BALAENA Fr. baleine, pádacva, Germ. Wallfisch, are all of the same root as our whale. Whales were said to equal mountains in size and to swallow up entire vessels with their crews (Dionys. perieg. 596-604. Priscian. perieg. 598—602 Wernsd. Avien. descr. orb. 780—93 Wernsd.). Plin. Ix § 4 speaks of balaenae in the Indian sea of 4 iugera in extent, and pristes of 200 cubits in length. See Lenz 252–4. Bochart ll. cc. Hofmann. The contrast between the wealth of the few and the misery of the many was never more glaring than in imperial Rome Marquardt 11 2 47.
BRITANNICA Drusus and Germanicus had opened the north sea to the Romans, and the vic. tories of Suetonius Paulinus and Iulius Agricola in Britain had drawn the attention of the Romans (Tac. Agr. 10 multi rettulere. cf. the Germany of Plin. and Tac.), with whom natural history and encyclopaedic learning were now in fashion, to our island, which as lying at the verge of the known world, was peopled with 'gorgons and hydras and chimaeras dire.' Hor. C. IV 14 47-8 beluosus qui remotis | obstrepit Oceanus Bri. tannis. Whales sometimes appeared in the Mediterranean Plin. IX $ 12. Ambr. hexaëm. v 11 § 32 says of the cete in the Atlantic, you would think they were walking islands, or lofty mountains lifting their peaks to the skies. Hen. Hunt. in Petrie monum. hist. 1 691b (cited by Taylor) quotes Iuv. and says that whales and dolphins are often taken on the coast. The whale like the sturgeon was a royal fish (Ducange balena . piscis regius), on which tithes were paid. Gotselin vit. Augustin. Cantuar. 2 (Ducange) in the British sea are caught dolphins and seals, and also montuosae balaenae.' Olaf Magnus and Pontoppidan fill the same sea with strange monsters (Weber). See Bojardo xu1 58 (Düntzer).
15 TEMPORIBUS DIRIS IV 80 of Domitian's time. cf. iv 14. Nero's reign of terror began A.D. 62, after the death of Burrus, with the restoration of the lex maiestatis, which had been in abeyance since the accession Claudius Tac, XIV 48. Dio Lx 3 $ 6. 16 LONGINUM C. Cassius Longinus, a famous jurist (Plin. ep. VII 24 SS 8. 9 Cassianae scholae princeps et parens. the sect of the Cassiani [Dirksen manuale s. v.] )( Proculeiani. Tac. xi 12. Suet. Nero 37), cos. suff. A. D. 30 Clinton. Borghesi oeuvres v 83—4. 195—6. 252. legatus of Syria A. D. 45–49 Borghesi ll. cc. Tac. ib. 11. cf. Ios. ant. xv 11 $ 4. XX 1 § 1. Afterwards he lived at Rome as an acting member of the senate in high repute Tac. XIII 41. 48. XIV 42–5. xv 52. Pompon. dig. I 2 2 § 51. A. D. 65 he was accused by Nero, nominally because he preserved among the imagines of his house that of the famous Cassius, inscribed DVX PARTIVM, really from jealousy of his wealth and character Tac. xvi 7 nullo crimine, nisi quod Cassius opibus vetustis et gravitate morum ... praecellebat. cf. ib. 8. Suet. 1. c. DCass. LXII 27 § 1. Cassius was ban. ished to Sardinia (Tac. 9. Pompon. 1. c.), being then old (Tac. 9) and blind (Suet. 1.c., who says that he was put to death; so DCass.). He was recalled by Vespasian Pompon. 1. c.
as applied to Longinus, denotes his apprehension, not his confinement (cf. x 170) in Sardinia.
SENECAE V 109. VIII 212. SENECAE PRAEDIVITIS HORTOS Tac. xv 64 fin. (of Seneca) praedives et praepotens. Auson. grat. act. § 31 dives Seneca. cf. n. on sat. 1 137 init. In his tract on happiness, addressed to his brother Gallio, Seneca represents his enemies as contrasting his frugal precepts with his sumptuous life vit. beat. 17 § 2 seq. Why do you not dine by your own rule ? why have you handsome furniture ? wine made before you were
born? ... why have you estates beyond sea, more than you have ever seen? ... more slaves than you can recollect ?' See the whole treatise and ep. 87 on the true riches. In his consolation addressed to his mother Helvia 14 § 3 he says that she always rejoiced in her sons' wealth, but never drew upon it. A. D. 55 some blamed Seneca and Burrus, viros gravitatem adseverantes, for dividing houses and country mansions among them as so much booty Tac. XII 18. A. D. 58 P. Suillius asked (Tac. XIII 42) .by what philosophic rule Seneca had, in four years of imperial favour, amassed 300,000,000 sesterces ? [cf. DCass. LXI 10. The fortune of Pallas was the same ; Narcissus and Cn. Lentulus had each 400 millions Friedländer 12 192]. At Rome he swept up as in a drag-net bequests and orbi, and drained Italy and the provinces [e. g. Britain DCass. LXII 2] by exorbitant usury.'
A. D. 62 Seneca was accused (Tac. XIV 52) of still adding to wealth already exceeding a private standard, of ambitious designs, and of outdoing the emperor himself in the splendour of his parks and country houses, hortorum amoenitate et villarum magnificentia. Sen. to Nero (ib. 53): ' You have heaped upon me such an abundance of offices and wealth, that nothing is wanting to my good fortune but to moderate it.... You have surrounded me with boundless treasures, so that I often ask myself, Do I, a man of equestrian and provincial family, take rank with the noblest of the realm? ... where is that spirit satisfied with a modest fortune ? does it lay out such parks as these, tales hortos extruit, and stalk through these suburban estates, and run riot in so vast territories, such boundless revenues ? The only excuse that presents itself is (cf. Sen. de ben. 11 18) that I was not free to reject gifts from your hand.' He begs (c. 54) to be relieved of the burden which oppresses him; he would gladly devote to the improvement of his mind the time now set apart for the management of his property, quod temporis hortorum aut villarum curae seponitur. Nero replies (c. 55) 'what you have done for me will abide with me till death; what you have received from me, horti, et fenus et villae, is all at the mercy of chance. ...I am ashamed to name freedmen, who are seen richer than you. I blush to think that you do not excel all the world in fortune, as you do in worth. In short he refused to relieve Seneca of his wealth (c. 56. Suet. Nero 35); who however changed his course of life, holding no more levées, and keeping close within doors. A. D. 62 (Tac. XIV 65) he was suspected of treasonable correspondence with Piso. After the fire of Rome, A.D. 64, he made over his riches to Nero, as a contribution to the expenses of rebuilding the city (DCass. LXII 25 & 3).
17 SENECAE HORTOS CLAUSIT TOTA COHORS A.D. 65 Antonius Natalis denounced Seneca as a confederate of Piso's (Tac. xv 56, 60): a tribune invested, globis militum saepsit, his villa. His wife insisted on sharing his fate (Tac. 61–63). Seneca's nephew, Lucan, also the owner of horti marmorei (Iuv. VII 79–80) engaged in the conspiracy from personal pique, Nero having disparaged his poems (Tac. xv 49); he denounced his own mother (ib. 56), but did not thereby escape death (ib. 70). Mela, Lucan's father, while endeavouring to secure his son's property, was accused on the strength of a forged correspondence, which Nero, opibus eius inhians (Tac. xvi 17), professed to receive as genuine. He too, like his brother and sister-in-law and son, bled himself to death. On horti see i 75 n. Valerius Asiaticus, another Naboth, was murdered by order of the Roman Jezebel Messalina for the sake of his horti DGass. Lx 31 $5. Tac. XI 1. 3.
EGREGIAS LATERANORUM AEDES Plautius Late. ranus (VIII 147 n.), cos. des. joined in Piso's conspiracy from patriotio